1964 - O Brasil entre armas e livros (FILME COMPLETO)

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now with the film: 1964 - Brazil between Weapons and Books and see you soon “It is under our responsibility the population of Brazil, the people, the order. So I declare vacancy of the presidency of the republic.” “For economic emancipation, for social justice, and alongside the people, for the progress of Brazil” “Long live the ever closer friendship between popular China, and the United States of Brazil” “With the assurance that the remedy for the harms of an extreme left will not be the emergence of a reactionary right” Admiral Aragon, do not approach, otherwise I will kill you

with my revolver, scoundrel! 1964 - Brazil between Weapons and Books It is virtually impossible for anyone who has not experienced the Cold War to be able to assess the conditions, under which the events of March 1964 were possible. Because the world scenario was completely different from today. The social environment was completely different, the tensions under which one lived in that period. During the second half of the twentieth century the two greatest world powers faced without direct confrontation: The Cold War. After 6 years of World War II, 60 million deaths devastated Europe. Two great powers emerged

as winners: The United States and the Soviet Union. Both countries were part of the Allies, who defeated Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan. But look, as soon as the conflict was over the struggle began. Because the two winners were sworn enemies, the United States and the Soviet Union as they were rivals in everything. And began to face much more intensity. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was the result of the advance of communist Russia, and already dominated 15 countries. And it's still taking over Europe, and what else was possible, and all the Balkan countries

Bank robberies, and riots in the barracks of the Russian imperial army. The revolution brutally assassinates the Imperial Romanov family to implement a dictatorship that had Lenin as God, and Stalin and Trotsky as Red Popes. The Soviets develop a plan to conquer the world and implement Communism in all countries. The reign of red terror spreads over the following decades. Holodomor and Gulags are some of the genocides that result from totalitarian dictatorships. The doctrine initiated by Lenin is carried forward by Stalin. The Moscow archives were not acknowledged at that time, knowing what communism was, knowing what a

Gulag was. And knowing what Holodomor was as we know today. On the other side of the world; the west. The United States of America has built a liberal democracy, based on market society, and christian values. The largest industry and largest economy in the world is also the only country to have nuclear weapons. As the indispensable force that defeated the Nazis. The United States emerges in the postwar leadership of the West. To reactivate the economy of devastated European countries the americans propose the Marshall Plan, by offering low interest loans. So all the gold migrated to the

United States. And it made sense that the United States then became the center the world reference for reserves and currency. And that's what happened. As World War II draws to a close, Franklin Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, and Josef Stalin meet at the Yalta conference to discuss the borders of Europe after the Nazi devastation. Churchill makes clear his intention, for free elections to take place in central and eastern European countries, especially Poland and Czechoslovakia After the War, there were few who realized that the soviets did not bring us freedom, but slavery. And the communists during that first

post-war period, had great trust on the part of society, and they abused that trust. They used it to carry out the "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" as it was called, but it was the dictatorship of a political party, and the disrespect for all citizenship rights. Despite signing the pact with Churchill and Roosevelt, Stalin had other plans, that became clear by sending troops to Poland to eliminate all opposition to the communist party. Establishing a pro-soviet government. Soviet military invasions occurred during this period also in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Hungary. All with dictators who responded directly to Moscow.

His first object of concern was "Mother Russia". It was Russia's organic growth towards neighboring republics to spread its communist ideas there, because he could exercise direct control. Winston Churchill was the first to speak of the Iron Curtain. Referring to the invasion, and control of the Soviet Union, under central and eastern european countries. Communism in Europe only existed where the Red Army stepped. There is no example of a communist country, that had chosen to be a communist. They were forced to be communists for the conquest of the Red Army. Germany accepts the loan proposed by the

Americans, to save its economy. In response the Soviets block all land routes, that give access to Berlin. The Americans do not accept Russian intervention, and continue air supply. Enraged, the Soviets split the country into two nations, creating West Germany and East Germany. The greatest symbol of this ideological division is built. The Berlin Wall, serves to prevent the Germans from fleeing to the western side. The Federal Republic of Germany follows Western policies, and adopts the capitalist market economy model. In contrast, the German Democratic Republic falls into the hands of a closed communist regime. Everything is in

the hands of the government. The subjugated countries of Eastern Europe now operate as satellite states. They do not belong to the Soviet Union, but obey Stalin's orders. The communist party of the Soviet Union, commanded the communist parties of other countries. I have no doubt. And the communist parties of those countries, controlled their repressive apparatus. Any revolt or protest against Moscow, was brutally suppressed by the Red Army. The prisoners were killed and tortured. After 1945, Czechoslovakia was gradually Sovietized, and was not such a brutal impact, as for example, in Hungary and Poland, where communism was carried

rigorously and by the tanks. Tensions increase and fear spreads around the world. The two ideologies come to dispute every inch of the planet earth. In the fields of science, industry, space, sport and the military force. The Soviet Union produces its first atomic bomb. Now the two powers had the strength to blow up the world. A direct conflict would be the last. So these two sides of the Cold War, the planetary international balance around the deterrence of nuclear terror. And the other from the point of view of ideas. In the same year, Western countries created NATO.

A military alliance to counter the communist threat, which now was nuclear. It took over the world public opinion, it was a matter of the newspapers, the nuclear threat, the countries... the two blocs that formed shortly after the end of World War II began to arm themselves madly, stockpiling nuclear weapons and looking for strategic points. In China, after 3 years of civil war, the revolution overcomes the nationalists who take refuge in Taiwan. The Soviet Union gains an important ally. Mao said: I will take power and I will apply Marxist principles to the field. North Korea armed

by the Soviet Union and China, attacks South Korea. Which is rescued by aid from a US-led coalition. After three years of conflict, a ceasefire interrupts the war but leaves yet another country split in two. It was the northern part with Russia, and the southern part with the United States. If anyone wants to know what communism brings about, and what an open economy does, just take a look at both countries 70 years later. But you don’t need to go that far, few years later you could see the differences. The world was watching civil wars, and communist

revolutions all over the world. Such as Vietnam, Greece, Turkey, Spain, and eventually Iran, Nicaragua, Argentina, Cuba, Egypt, various countries in Africa, Italy, Guatemala, Haiti, Paraguay, Philippines, Chile, Indonesia among dozens of other conflicts. To show that if the war was indeed cold, it had a very high temperature in some places on the planet. It was actually war by proxy, as the americans say. It was all the time war by proxy. You had some country, some group, representing "A" and the other representing "B", and these two proxies were fighting, but the truth was that the ones who

were cold, were the Soviet Union and the United States, back here feeding the process. The Soviet Union organizes its own military alliance: The Warsaw Pact. The arms race is increasing, and the Soviet Union installs missiles aimed at all of Europe. European nations do the same. Military forces on the democratic side of the west, were organized in NATO and military forces on the communist side, were organized in the Warsaw Pact. The United States protects the Americas from communism until Castro and his guerrillas seize power in Cuba, and declare alliance with the Soviet Union. It is the

first country on the American continent to fall into Moscow's hands. And it would be the continent's Soviet training base, for its expansion into all of Latin America. The Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro's coming to power heightened the concerns of the whole west and of all free, non-communist America about the risk it posed. And began exporting the revolution to other Latin American countries. Soviet soldiers, ships and missiles are sent to Cuba, and pointed towards the United States. The US navy takes a stand, and the two powers are about to break out of direct conflict. The only thing

preventing World War III, is the fear of the atomic bomb. Each Soviet-developed Tsar bomb, had an average of 50 megatons, which is 16 times the explosive force of all bombs and bullets, used by all armies in World War II. After intense negotiations, the missiles are withdrawn. But the conflict is far from over. The revolution against the West had hidden forces, operating in the shadows. It was the era of intelligence. Lenin argued that the only moral that the Communists recognize, is that which serves their own interests. This approach allowed the Soviet Union to make lies, its

public policy No. 1. The lie took shape in propaganda and the misinformation tactic. Misinformation is a lie not told by the liar, but by another source, a legitimate source that the victim of the lie trusts. This tactic not only makes it difficult to discern reality but also makes the lie have a life of its own, until repeated many times, it becomes part of the story. If during the Vietnam War, a Soviet Union newspaper ran a story saying that Americans committed atrocities against the Vietnamese people, the West could recognize this as a Cold War lie or

anti-American propaganda as a consequence of the cold war. If an American soldier tells the same story to a newspaper in his country, the credibility is much higher. Since the end of World War II Soviet misinformation has been the most effective secret weapon in its battle against Western society. After Stalin's death in 1953, Soviet leaders chose to merge several police forces into one. The intelligence service, counterintelligence and the secret police joined the organization known as KGB. KGB had government carte blanche to be the law itself getting the information they wanted, and by whatever means they needed.

It was the most comprehensive intelligence and security service in the world, containing files and records of politicians, academics and artists from around the world. They had complete mastery over the biographies, the lives, the activities, and of course the political-ideological positions of each of the members of this great structure. These agents were also dedicated to influencing politics, disseminating pro-communist material, inciting the formation of guerrillas, protests and revolutions. It is possible to say that from the 1960s on, in all countries, the methods of control of society that were no longer connected to violence, began to prevail, even

though violence still played an important role. But the key was the control of society, the creation of a vast system of agents, network, that allowed a fluidity of information over society. In the following decades in almost every election in the four corners of the world, the Soviet Union and American Intelligence would be involved with opposing parties. we have as an example the Spanish Civil War, where for three years, who commanded the republican side were the soviet special services. Stalin's successor, Nikita Khrushchev, uses the KGB as a battlefront in the Cold War. Khrushchev becomes a strong

anti-American militant; at a UN meeting, he stated that he would "bury the United States." On the fight for global influence, third world countries also became targets of Soviet intelligence operations. The end of World War II leads to a change in geopolitical structure giving rise to new national states across the globe. The world map becomes the battlefield, where Americans and Soviets wrestled, aiming for influence over the rest of the world. And among the western countries, the most vulnerable politically, and with weaker institutions. Guess where? They came to South America, Africa and Central America. All the satellite

countries of the eastern bloc, and all its intelligence services fulfilled a role of servants, in relation to the Moscow Central. Czechoslovak Socialist Republic had StB Romania had Securitate East Germany had Stasi Right! Cuba had DGI, Directorate General of Intelligence If there were Soviet agents infiltrating even the CIA and the FBI in the heart of the enemy, the rest of the world was no bigger challenge. There was Soviet propaganda, misinformation and active measures across the globe. In 1919, there was a congress bringing together different currents of communism from around the world. Its objective was to put

into practice the plan of world expansion of communism. A statute was developed that established 21 conditions for affiliation of communist parties. In the following years, a number of parties began to emerge around the world, which strictly followed these conditions, which included: The revolutionary duty to make legal, and illegal propaganda to promote unrest, the duty to bring ideology into unions, and cooperatives, to lead the masses workers to the revolution, finance with no reserves all soviet republics in their fight against conservatives, and to mandatory abide to every decision of the Communist International. Brazil, a country of continental

dimensions, bordering almost all of South America, and rich in natural resources, was not left out of the ideological war. On March 25, 1922, in Niterói, the Brazilian Communist Party, PCB, was founded, obeying all the conditions imposed by the statute. It demonstrates that the Brazilian Communist Party has never had its own will. It was always a section of the International, and that was how the international communist movement understood itself in the 1920s and 1930s: as a movement that would establish communism on the planet. In Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Germany, Italy, China, the United States, wherever they were,

all of them were subordinated to the strict guidelines of Moscow. Luis Carlos Prestes, then a resident of the Soviet Union, went back to Brazil illegally with the objective to carry out a revolutionary coup. The first attempt to seize power, took place the following year with the Intentona Comunista. The revolution fails, and Prestes and the other conspirators are arrested. A few years later Prestes is elected senator. He was interviewed by a journalist, and she asks him: “supposing, senator, if there was a war between Brazil and the Soviet Union, which side would you take?” And he said:

“Look, I would side with Soviet Union, because the Soviet Union represents the working class is no longer a national matter, it is a matter of class union”. Ok but, no matter the explanation, what do the people understand? In a war between Brazil and Soviet Union, he would be against Brazil. Following the invasions and the imposition of the totalitarian regime in Eastern Europe, Brazil breaks diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, and revokes the registration of PCB. Despite the illegality, the Party structure was not affected. Newspapers, as well as books and publications ran freely. PCB entered the

illegality on paper, but remained in fact legal. It was in this legality in fact, that Soviet agents advanced through the structures of brazilian power. The conspiracy to transform Brazil into a socialist republic, now had international support. What is known about the actions of the Soviet secret police, is just one piece of a big puzzle. It was in the Czech Republic, that a Brazilian researcher found part of Brazil’s, yet unknown history. It turned out that the satellite countries of the Soviet Union, had always kept their eyes, and their feet, in tropical territory. Well, March 2014, I

was at home getting ready for bed feeling sleepy, on my phone, answering messages, erasing spam, and then I saw a message coming from the website: “A Verdade Sufocada”, I was the administrator of the site for 8 years. When a message comes from my mailbox from one such as Mauro Abranches. Let´s see what that message is. So he is writing that he is brazilian, lives in Poland, interesting, and I am inside the archives of the KGB, StB Czech, translating infiltration material that happened in Brazil between the 50´s and 80´s, already sent e-mail to a lot of

people, no one answers, I'm almost giving up on the job. When I just read this email, I jumped out of bed, that the sense of urgency turned on all the sirens inside my head, I jumped out of bed that I remember the sound of the propeller from the ceiling fan passing near my head, huh. So I went straight to the computer because I didn't want that guy who just emailed me, to shut the computer. I had to answer him right at that moment and get him online. Researching about communism in Brazil through the internet, etc.,

sooner or later leads you to the events related to the year 1964. In this context, it was possible to observe a significant amount of commentaries, articles, books, which highlight to american presence, american influence in those events such as CIA, and so on. The curious thing is that there was practically nothing about the other side, that is, about eventual performance of countries or intelligence services of countries of the so-called Iron Curtain. As we know that a war has two sides, this was at least strange. To be fair, I need to state that I only met one

person who talked about the importance of studying this subject, and it was Professor Olavo de Carvalho. Mauro Abranches's research although he is always very discreet, very careful, not to accuse people unfairly, gives you a glimpse of how many agents that were there. So, the volume of the shouting of one side contrasts with the volume of the documents of the other. When I realized the immensity of information related to brazilians there, the plan of writing an article on the subject, a small comment, was no longer possible, it was necessary to seek help from someone, and that

was how I got in touch with Mr. Vladimir Petrilak We found that in these archives in Prague, there is a very rich collection about Brazil, and not only this, that describes a good part of the story, and that this source, had not been studied to this day in Brazil. No one knew about it. And that, until 1989, they were top secret materials, which from 2006-2007, could then be researched. And it's about the period of time, from 1952 until the beginning of 1971, and then a bit of the late 80s, as well. That is, a good

part of 20th century history. The research work focuses, on the archives of the Institute for Study of Totalitarian Regimes in Prague. This is the institution which keeps the documents of the former secret service of the communist bloc. My name is Svetlana Ptácníková director of Archiv Bezpecnostnich Slozek (Archive of the Security Forces) The Archive of the Security Forces is an institution, which was created through Law 181/2007, and unites under the same roof the maintenance, reporting and processing of STB files of the Communist Regime of Czechoslovakia, containing 20 kilometres of paper. Such as intelligence files and military

counterintelligence. The STB, that is, state security, was a powerful Czechoslovak Secret Police, which was formed by the Communist Regime, and subordinated to the Communist Party, and which had several departments. As for our researches, the most important is directory 1, the first directory, that is, the intelligence service abroad. That is, the section that occupied North America and Latin America. North America and Latin America. We may not remember much about Czechoslovakia. Today we have the Czech Republic and Slovakia, independent countries, but Czechoslovakia from 48´ to 89´ was a socialist republic, an authoritarian regime that is currently condemned

for crimes against human rights. We've had the Communist Regime for over 40 years, where a lot of crimes have happened. And many went through the expropriation of goods, that began before 1948. There were social experiments that ended up with many victims. STB left a large amount of documents, where we can actually find out the fate of millions of people. These were the Intelligence officials who have been sent to Brazil, who wrote these reports, in their reports, in their documents, in the exchange of correspondence with the central in Prague. We are just doing the work of

describing what is in these documents, and according to these documents, yes, StB has acted in Brazil, performed, for example, influence operations, influence policy, gathered information, recruited brazilian citizens for collaboration. We found several files of objects of interest related to Brazil. Here I can cite government and parliament, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, scientific institutions, Petrobras, military club, Armed Forces, political parties, peasant leagues and many others. For this intelligence service to work in a specific country, it was necessary for them to open some kind of base, and this was called, according to the Soviet model, rezidentura. Usually, these

rezidenturas were formed with embassies, airline offices or even commercial representations, but mainly with embassies. As for the existence of this cell, of the intelligence service in the embassies, only the ambassador knew about it, and no one else. That was hidden and secret. So the professional intelligence officials, that is, the spies of Czechoslovakia, underwent a short training of diplomacy, so that they could pretend to be diplomats. But in fact, their main activity was espionage. They started forming their network of informants. But those who collaborated with rezidentura, first in Rio de Janeiro, and then in Brasilia, these

were very useful and worthy, because they knew a lot of interesting people, among brazilians from different environments. For example, politicians, journalists, business people, etc... And they helped, let´s say, "fishing" potential interested partners. Among which, later on, intelligence officials could concentrate. They had a very systematic job of recruiting collaborators and agents. You had secret collaborators, you had ideological collaborators, and there was another classification they had, known as unconscious collaborators, called: figurants. We found information that allows us to state, according to these documents, that not only StB was present operating in Brazil, but also services from other

countries of the socialist or communist bloc. Statements confirming the presence, for example, of the Intelligence Service of Communist Poland, East Germany, China, Cuba, including the Soviet Union, KGB itself. We searched the documents of StB, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic Intelligence Service. We do not know what eventually these other intelligence services, from other socialist countries did in Brazil, so we can probably treat this job as just a part that communist services did in Brazil, even before 64`. I believe it's important to say that we don't have the support from any institution, scientific or governmental body. We are

private individuals who have taken care of a topic that to this day, no one has studied anymore. I am not too sure if this helps us avoiding another Totalitarian Regime, which will certainly happen again. Humanity always creates new ways. But I believe that, the study of documents, can help pass on the experiments to the next generations, about how the system worked. In my opinion, this is a very important book because it is primarily true: only truth matters. Thanks to this book, any kind of elaborate myth becomes fake, and there is nothing better than the clash

of imaginations with reality. This reality is often brutal. The fact is that great intellectual writers, poets, movement leaders, were, in fact, corrupt people. They were people who not only received money in a cynical, unscrupulous way, but also simply betrayed their country and their nation, for they sold them illusions with foreign money. The triumph of the Cuban revolution in 59` intensified communist activities in Latin America. The red revolution was closer. Brazil was already giving its own left-leaning signs. In the same year, the capital was moved to the center of the country. You have within this very

polarized ideological environment in the world and in Brazil, in 1955, the election of Juscelino Kubitschek, gathers the sons of varguismo and the left, and leads to the construction of Brasília handed over to Oscar Niemeyer in a very leftist project of power, to taking the politics out of Rio de Janeiro, moving away from the people, and you commission a urban project from leftists, and stalinists, to create a capital completely made of concrete, no corners, big avenues, palaces, where politicians can live in a dome, on an island, away from the people, because they are those enlightened who

have a vision inaccessible to the population, the population will not understand. For example, you have the Palace of Catete in Rio de Janeiro, if you opened the door of the Palace you are on the street, among the people. Now, not in Brasilia, you have a lake, there is a distance, I don't know what else, in other words: the president is unreachable, he is at the Olympus. The city was made for this, that was their conception. You can't do that, unless you have a plan in mind, and evidently Niemeyer had it. Reflecting the model of the

book “The Ideal Communist City”, written by two Soviet architects, Brasília evidenced the path that the country and its mentality were being led to. The state budget was not immune to the construction of the new capital, the developmental mindset was also present in various sectors of the economy. The “50 years in 5” plan has caused wage freezes, worsening inflation, and was also the first time we have heard of default on the IMF. At the same time, a character was beginning to emerge in São Paulo, had already been governor, was emerging with his speech of “sweep away,

little broom”, and fighting corruption, gained a huge proportion in the country. And he knew how to do the theatricals that the politician needs to convince the people. He used talcum powder to simulate dandruff, he ate bread with mortadella sitting on the sidewalk, when he spoke to the public he pretended he was fainting from hunger, “I had no time to eat, gentlemen.” But no one saw him exactly as left or right. You know these people who can turn into a political phenomenon, but at the same time you don't quite understand what their political bond is. The

UDN wants to capitalize on this, and Lacerda approaches him along with the UDN. And then Jânio Quadros appears to be the candidate of the right wing. Except that Jânio Quadros wasn't that malleable figure, easy to persuade, as they imagined. He began with a policy, of pondered economic conduction even more so than Juscelino's, which wasn’t that hard. And in foreign policy, Jânio Quadros did some things that the UDN thinks: what is he doing? Tremendous polarization in the world between western civilization, american capitalism and soviet communist totalitarianism. In this atmosphere, you had the silly ones trying to

appear to be independent, "we're not stuck with anyone, we're ourselves, we're full of ourselves" He gets closer to the Soviet Union; his vice-president goes to China, and the worst: he honors Che Guevara, with the order of Cruzeiro do Sul, a kind of republican award. And then what happened was: they were in a room, and Jânio Quadros took the medal from a shelf and placed it on Che Guevara's chest, and that was a gift, because the commendation would have to be given by the Military, by a decision of the three arms, and the president just stepped

over that, and gave the commendation to Che Guevara. Well, this caused the president and the armed forces to wear out, and then attrition between the president and the conservatives who supported him. I don't think Jânio Quadros was a communist. I think Jânio Quadros in this idea of being independent, ended up not having a directive line. How do I explain this? There is a picture in a newspaper that he has a foot to one side, a foot to the other, an eye to one side, an eye to the other, and his glasses are crooked, and it

is written: “Janio Quadros’ orientation”, something like this. So, you understand Jânio Quadros through this photo. The guy is looking everywhere, trying to go everywhere at the same time, he is going to fall Jânio's true political face is exposed, when he tries to set up a conspiracy that unleashed the events that forever changed the country's history. Jânio Quadros says to Lacerda: “How can you govern with State’s legislative chambers? I cannot govern with this congress”, trying to lead Lacerda and convince him to support the closing of the congress, something like that, a coup d'état of that nature.

Carlos Lacerda goes back to the president, and the minister and makes a kind of blackmail: "either you resign, or I`ll go to the press and denounce everything". Jânio Quadros doubt it, and Carlos Lacerda went to the Tribuna da Imprensa, and wrote a huge article, it was practically the whole edition of the newspaper, telling everything that happened, so the meeting, the dialogue. And denounced on television: "look, the president is losing his mind, he has to stop it, let go of this crazy idea". Then Jânio Quadros goes and resigns the presidency. He realizes that he is isolated,

and he probably wanted to be like Charles De Gaulle, he wanted to resign so people would go to the streets, calling; Jânio back to office. He resigned and he felt that congress would not accept his resignation for stability measure. Congress accepts his resignation the next day, and no one goes to the streets. Jânio then loses his position. That was a harbinger of what 64 would be, because people began to feel that the political system, the vote would not solve anything, would not lead to anything. Then the credibility of that attempt, of democratic construction that Brazil

lived between the 40’s, 50’s and 60’s, begins to decline. With Jânio's resignation, it was his vice-president who inherited the office, João Goulart. Former Vargas`minister of labor, federal deputy, and former vice presidente of JK, Jango was a career varguist. Although not linked to Marxist thought, João Goulart had relations with other latin american populist dictatorships. However, those who study the period know that the Comintern, the soviet communist power, had an orientation for the communists to support, when they were weakened, when they could not take power with an armed revolt, they had the orientation to support the national-populist

governments. That is why there was communist support in the election of the Juscelino, and obviously the communists were interested in João Goulart’s government. And the military ministers started to talk about national security matters, to prevent João Goulart from assuming the presidency that he would be a national security risk. When Jânio Quadros resigned, João Goulart was in Mao Tse Tung's communist China, strengthening relations between the two countries. With the impasse of resignation in congress, Jango made some stops before returning to Brazil. His last stop was Montevideo, where he met Tancredo Neves, the government leader in congress.

Tancredo said to him: “Listen, things are tough in Brazil, a lot of resistance, but we found a way to save the constitution. In fact, we can leave construction aside, it is to save Brazil.” Okay, what are you saying? Then Tancredo says this: “We can make a parliamentarian, so: you are the president but who governs is the prime minister, someone appointed by congress to be in that position momentarily. Is that ok? Because if you come back as president they will persecute you, so you better stay in exile”. And he says "so be it". Now I open

a parenthesis: what was happening in Brazil at this time? In Rio Grande do Sul, Jango's brother-in-law, called Leonel Brizola, was setting up a kind of revolution, against the ones trying to prevent Jango from taking office. I witnessed what happened, I saw the agitation, I saw people being armed, I saw trenches being set up in front of the Palace with sand bags, I saw the machine guns on the Piratini Palace to defend, and that was meant to be a focus of resistance to allow the inauguration of the vice president of the Republic who was coming to

Brazil. He was a really good speaker, but overwhelmed about the left-wing theories, sustaining and affirming them. And Brazil didn't want them, and most of the congress didn't want them. So, finally and fortunately at the end of the process, the reason eventually prevailed, the president accepted the adoption of parliamentarism, and for three months, he governed, appointed 3 prime ministers that had to be substituted because they would not get in tune, they represented a majority opinion, that was not the president's opinion. So, no prime minister was suited for the president of the republic. And that ends up

on a referendum and the presidential system returns, and João Goulart regains his powers. Then he becomes the president of the republic, now with full powers on his hands. In this period of the 60’s, Luís Carlos Prestes had close ties with the Soviet Union, he himself was in contact with Nikita Khrushchev. And in these documents he tells how the work is being done for communism to take over power in Brazil, it was his declared objective. Cold War! And that escalated, through Jango’s arrival at the presidency. So, the close ties with the Soviet Union, this approach with

China, were indicatives that the left was reinventing itself, and this reinventing had nothing to do with democracy. And begins with a interventionist economic policy, also with it’s developmentalist, emissionist, and inflationary aspects. And João Goulart cannot deal with this problem, that comes from Juscelino, as I said. Jango took it to new heights, in a political situation in Brazil even more complicated, but kept inflating and we got to 100% a year of inflation, on a unsustainable situation, as well, not only political. And the strikes began, when you had a economic crisis it’s the perfect scenario for strikes,

the fuss from the labor unionists, from CGT. Even military groups unionised, we had a possibility of a unionist republic, which is pre-revolutionary. People started to get scared of this unionist republic. And some very special events happen: he favours strikes, he stimulates groups to strike, strikes to pressure congress. Now, tell me something: if you are the president promoting strikes, national shutdowns, you as president, promoting national shutdowns to pressure congress, is that democratic? This goes on to divide society in such manner, absorbing still the climate and atmosphere of the cold war, that João Goulart concludes that the

only path left for him, is to join the extreme left. There are books denouncing the presence of the KGB here, in that period, you have guerrillas being trained by cubans, there are also books denouncing that, intellectuals denouncing that, there are records of that. That was no secret, there were brazilians who went to Cuba to do guerrilla, and in our researches on these documents, we found information about 41, approximately 41 brazilians, that went to cuba to do guerrilla, benefiting from this aid from StB, which provided the logistics of transportation through Prague. On the first years of

the 60’s, there was a scission in the Brazilian Communist Party. PCB, in alliance with the Soviet Union, set out to have a ideological fight against capitalism through propaganda and occupancy of spaces. The dissident group formed the Communist Party of Brazil. Following the Maoist line of communism, with the commitment to do a armed revolution to take power, they had on their side soldiers from the army, farmers and workers. On the northeast, Francisco Julião, then federal congressman, transformed the Ligas Camponesas in armed guerrillas with cuban training, under the motto: “agrarian reform by law or by force”. Which

later would become the MST. The secret services took advantage of the revolutionary atmosphere, and intensified their actions. Meanwhile by order, or by request of the KGB, STB worked, for example, the peasant leagues, Francisco Julião. There was an expectation that a civil war could arise in Brazil. And for this chance, an operation was organized, whose objective was, if this war happened, that the outcome of this war would be channeled to the left. And for that purpose Leonel Brizola was contacted, and he wanted weapons, but the Czechs did not provide. To this end, contact was again made

through a Brazilian, one of the generals of the brazilian army of the South. And some local politicians were also contacted precisely to create different bases or centres, through which it was possible helping to control this war. Another great operation, according to the documents of StB, was the operation Družba, in portuguese: Amizade (Friendship) The result of this operation were a serie of events that supported Fidel Castro’s revolution. The Continental Congress for Solidarity to Cuba, held in 1963 at Niterói, had participants such as the secret service from Czechoslovakia, from Cuba and the KGB. The soviet presence, especially

through Czechoslovakia was very intense, so much so that even in 1963 you already had guerrillas in Brazil. That is to say, the guerrillas were a response to the coup, no, quite the contrary, the coup was a response to the guerrillas. The presence of these guerrillas was confirmed by documents found with... a high rank cuban officer that was in a plane crash, his plane fell in Peru or Bolívia. And the documents that proved cuban interference in Brazil, helping Julião’s guerrilla, the peasant leagues, landed on João Goulart’s hands, and the bastard instead of taking measures, returned the

documents back to Fidel Castro. The president was obviously accomplice, he was aiding the armed interference from a foreign country in our country, what kind of respect does he deserves? none, zero. There are also news, of an approach to the cabinet of João Goulart. João Goulart travels to Prague, this trip was totally monitored, it was conducted by StB agents. If until now the story about the possibility of a communist coup in Brazil, was conspiracy theory, the book describes moments that seems like Jango had close ties with KGB agents. And that was serious! João Goulart’s government strived

for the restructuring of the constitution and drastic changes in the agrarian, urban, educacional and tributary policies. The measures were known as the Reformas de Base, which included the nationalization of oil refineries, expropriation of land, fixation of rent values, and the limitation of profit transfers to foreign nations. The measures were unconstitutional, and even the government expected them not to be accepted by congress. Jango decides to get authoritarian, he asks congress to establish state of siege. João Goulart tried to govern by decrees and this attempt will be decisive for the opposition to manifest itself against him. And

since Brazil had since 1889, a tradition of coup, or attempts of coups, João Goulart is just one more that had that intention. Thereby... A scary atmosphere is created, João Goulart is a weak president, a president that cannot solve the problems, and he thinks the solution is to ally with the extreme left, which wants to demote him, exactly like the commitern recommended, this was the idea: one trying to demote the other. From this could emerge a new Estado Novo, a labour-populist regime, or a communist regime or one thing after the other, because they wanted to demote

him, and then take his place. The month of march of 64’, reached the peak of agitation on the streets, on strikes and the crisis the country was in. Along with Prestes, communist groups and insubordinate soldiers, João Goulart organized rallies to pressure congress to approve the Reformas de Base. The rally for reforms made the true plans for Brazil very clear. An alleged nationalist project but in reality was a highly statist, and with total disrespect for private property. In a crowd which had flags from PCB, an illegal party at the time. Military man by his side doing

nothing, military man associated with Jango. What did Brizola and João Goulart said on the microphone? “This democracy that is out there”, João Goulart said it like this, “this democracy that is out there, is in reality a political system which benefits the powerful, the elites, we need to enclose refineries, we need to halt profit transfer, we need a plebiscite to dissolve congress”, Brizola said that. And so people say “it was unfair, the discourse was democratic”, a sham, lie. On that night, the windows on Rio de Janeiro all had a lit candle, it was a sign of

protest, from the people in relation to what have happened at Central do Brasil. It was the brazilian nation, communicating the disapproval of what was happening. Around the globe, many countries gave eco to the demonstrations that said no to communism. Brazil also had it’s share in these movements. The brazilians witnessed the intense radicalization happening on the country. Worried about the democracy and national sovereignty, the people took the streets, on the greatest public demonstration in the history of Brazil. The first March of the Family with God for Liberty, gathered 500 thousand people in São Paulo on march

19th, the name of the march and the signs held made it clear: the communist risk. The demonstrations spread all over Brazil. It is gigantically larger than the Coluna Prestes, it had one and a half million people, in a time Brazil had less than one third of it’s current population. Can you imagine a march today with 4 or 5 million people. It was huge, the message understood was: “look, we don’t want communism. Communists are out. Jango? For God's sake, nobody wants this guy.” I have photos of newspaper from Santos with people saying: “Santos against Cuba”, “Santos

against communism”, seriously, it was this kind of signs, “the color of the flag is green and yellow”, this is not new. They gathered, the radio Jornal do Brasil, the radio Tupi, and the radio Globo, then came the stations from the countryside, and joined this daily program defending democracy, and warning about the coup that the left was planning with the support of the president João Goulart. Brazil as a whole was in favour of 64. All the press, the Church, everybody. And Brazil was suffering one of its worst crisis, strike after strike, threat of civil war, uncontrollable

chaos, economic and financial deterioration, indiscipline invading the military, galloping inflation forcing prices up each week. Terrible moments. The world on one of it’s best prosperity periods, and Brazil among the sad exceptions. Pointed out as a deadbeat, begging from everyone. There were talks about murder, shootings, destruction. The alliance of communists sharpened it’s weapons, and everything was indicating that in the next days, or in the next hours, brazilians would fight against brazilians, in the north, in the northeast, in the south, in the cities, in the countryside, everywhere. It was on the last instant, almost at the moment

of truth, when the country was amidst a civil war, almost in plain chaos, something happened. And the armed forces, themselves were threatened, they were called up, practically summoned, to fulfill the mission the moment imposed, reestablishing the order, and getting rid of the red banners that threatened to suffocate it. March 31, 1964 Don't let this be our last film, become a member of Brasil Paralelo. The leftist coup was coming, we need to react, we have to take down the government, and set off the military rebellion. The troops from Minas Gerais were sent off to the presidency,

to take it down. A tense atmosphere began, all over the country. At Guanabara, Castelo Branco calls Lacerda, Castelo Branco was a legalist until the situation worsened, and the realized there was no other way out. He calls him and says: “you are an important man for the country, you're the most important civilian leader in the country, you need to get out of there, because you are in danger, an invasion could happen”, there were rumours that the Almirante Aragão could invade the Palace of Guanabara, “you need to get out of there, we can protect your life”. And

Lacerda says: “If Brigadier Eduardo Gomes was still here, would he flee? He wouldn’t, so I’m staying to defend my palace, my government and my state”. Lacerda arms himself, and there is a famous speech on the radio: “Admiral Aragão, coward murderer, come here and I’ll kill you with my revolver” Bastard! Crook! Traitor! Your time has come, run while you can, guarantee your impunity! Crook! Murderer! Principal of innocent soldiers, to kill other soldiers! To hide your dishonor! Scoundrel! Jango was at this moment in Rio de Janeiro, when the troops commanded by General Olímpio Mourão Filho, approaches Rio.

He goes to Brasília, then he goes to Porto Alegre. In Porto Alegre he has a meeting with Brizola, and Brizola invited him to try to resist, he had the third army with him. But he was frightened, in reality he had the minority of the army, there would be blood shed, and possibly his. There would have been civil war, and probably he would lose, but the blood shed would have been a dreadful moment, in brazilian history. Society was prepared for the worst, and the army had that perception. The country was steps away from civil war, and

it was in that moment the army intervened The Revolution of 1964, was made to halt our pathway for Havana and for Caracas. Attention! The president of the republic has left the office, had left the nation brainless. [Background voices] On a though time for brazilians, he has left office, and this announcement I make to the national congress. This acephaly, This acephaly constitutes the need for the national congress as a civil power Immediately take action within the terms of the brazilian constitution. [Background voices] It is under our responsibility, the brazilian people, it’s citizens, the order. Therefore I

declare vacant the presidency of the Republic! But there is a detail: Auro de Moura Andrade, declared the vacancy of office based on a article of the constitution of 1946 that said that the president of the republic absent of the country away from the country, without official announcement to the government officials, then the president of congress can declare that the president is impeached. The Chief of Staff sent a letter to congress, telling that the president was in Porto Alegre, and he was in official duties. It was read but it wasn’t reckoned, the notification that the country

still had a president in the nation’s territory Look the situation they created. He was inside national territory, he was traveling, but still inside national territory. He went from Rio to Brasília, and then to Porto Alegre. During the flight to Porto Alegre, he was exonerated from office. On the technical point of view, there was a parliamentary coup in that session, because the constitution did not support it. It was the solution the political forces found in that moment, it’s easy to judge from today, but technically there was coup on April 1st, when Auro de Moura Andrade decrees

the vacancy of office The movement of 64 was not military, it began as a civil movement. It’s leaders were state governors. The army was slowly joining in. But at the end they were precipitated, they didn’t want the coup, it was Mourão Filho that was hasty and obliged the other generals to get on with it. They were all quiet, then Mourão Filho, who was a nutjob, went to the streets with his tanks to go to Rio de Janeiro, and then everybody had to mobilize. The army intervened at that moment, but with the support of the whole

society, with articulated movements, civil movements aided it, the Catholic Church, the OAB, the entire press, the UDN, various unions, supported the movement. Goulart boarded a plane, and went to São Borja. Two days later, Brizola boarded a plane, and went to Capão da Canoa, dressed as a police officer, and then went to São Borja, then couple days later they both moved on to Uruguay. There was no reaction, because the revolution was consolidated in those 24 hours. Brizola was a federal deputy Why did he not come back to Brasília? He had parliamentary immunity. And Goulart? Why he

did not board a plane back to Brasília, and say “look, I’m here”. No, they both decided to flee. Brizola had conspiracy plans. Brizola preached for a dictatorship to the left, and used Jango for that purpose. So, everybody was conspiring, the difference was that the successful conspiracy was the one from the army. No resistance, neither any leftist movement, not even the president’s own party, in any moment, in the subsequent years requested for Jango’s return to office. There was no claims for restauration, the left wanted to implement another project, which wasn’t Jango’s, And it would never be

with Jango, or someone like Jango. he was the "flavour of the month". He was never going to be, he didn’t had the profile the left wanted for the day they seized power, they wanted someone with another profile, and that guy was Brizola, And then we have the beginning, from the army’s point of view, the revolution, and from today’s leftist historiographical perception, we have the military coup. As soon as the military coup was established, the version that it was backed by the CIA emerged. The theory was spread out by the journalist Edmar Morel, on the book:

“The Coup Started in Washington”. Then an endless series of books, college theses, movies, tv shows, an advertising massacre like never before seen. But there is the following problem: Ladislav Bittman says that it was his office from the Czech spying service, that spread this version to the brazilian midia, who bought it immediately. Of course, Ladislav Bittman, defector of STB, wrote about it, who in 1968, fled to the U.S., and there revealed secrets of STB. And we found confirmation in the Prague archives. He said: “we made it up, but we couldn’t find any CIA agent in Brazil,

so we forged a letter, that was supposed to be sent by the head of the FBI, not from the CIA, J. Edgar Hoover, to his agent in Brazil” And the goal was precisely to compromise, based on untrue and forged data, American foreign policy. As well as accusing the U.S. of responsibility for a military coup in Brazil, in 1964. These were two operations; A.O. Toro and A.O. Mann. A thousand times I challenged these people: If the CIA was behind this whole thing, can you please point out the name of at least one CIA agent, stationed in

Brazil at that time. They never did. This whole CIA story, is fiction from beginning to the end, and this is sold by university professors, history teachers, people who consider themselves respectable. They use evidence on the opposite way. “Here is the proof that they intervened”, the phone call between Lincoln Gordon to Johnson: “Mr. President, the army has their tanks on the streets, what will we do?” And the president responds: “Do something”. This happened on the 31st. Of course Lincoln Gordon was informed that something was going on, however, if he had setup the coup he would have

working before it happened, and not afterwards. And then they sent an aircraft carrier to evacuate american citizens, in case of danger, you cannot do anything else with an aircraft carrier. And sent a fuel ship, do you know how the story of the fuel ship goes? I asked Paulo Egydio Martins, he was governor of São Paulo, was the energy minister, “it is true that the americans aided the coup in 64?”, “they didn’t”, “how do you know?”, “because it was me that asked for their aid, and they denied. The only thing they offered me was a fuel

ship, that was not given, I paid the signal with money I borrowed from my father-in-law”, his father-in-law was a banker, “I asked him for money, I deposited, and they didn’t even gave back the deposit”. This was the wonderful american aid Having the vacancy of the presidential office declared, who inherited the office was the president of congress, Ranieri Mazzilli. The armed forces once again exercised the role of the extinct Poder Moderador. To give continuity to the revolution they started, the leaders of the armed forces formed a military council. It didn’t matter what congress decided, what the

president decided, because in the end there was this superior entity, the Supreme Command of the Revolution, formed by the generals, who in the end were the ones in charge. And always with the discourse of maintaining the revolution. So, there is this force, although it did not have total power, it perceives itself to work above the constitution. So you can say there was a half dictatorship, an abstract dictatorship, looming over the law. The first action of the new constitutional force, was the Constitutional Act Number 1, which summoned congress to elect the new president of the republic.

With 98% of the votes, congress elected Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, with broad support from the people, the political class, and from the press. I’ll defend and comply with honor, and loyalty the constitution of Brazil. [Applause] Castelo Branco was known as a military from Sorbonne. Why this name? Because Sorbonne was the name of a great university in Paris, and the groups which undermined the ones connected to Castelo Branco, used to say: “those are the intellectuals, the ones from Paris” He was democratically elected, even so that he received votes from Juscelino Kubitschek himself, and Ulisses Guimarães.

The interest from people like Juscelino Kubitschek, Lacerda and even from the brazilian people, in a certain way, was that of a transitions, and that Lacerda and Juscelino, would dispute on the ballots the next presidency. This was the game that was on. Society as a whole understands this government as legitimate, because he was elected by congress. And he wanted elections to be held in a short period of time. He didn’t want the regime to linger, it was a military intervention, not a military regime. It’s worth saying that the Institutional Act Number 1 authorized, with a due

date, the suspension of political rights, from the subversives. That’s what the revolutionaries from the regime thought, was necessary for the purge. And then some names were chosen to be removed from government, and bureaucracy posts. A document was found, a report, written months after March 31st, for the first-secretary of the socialist party of Czechoslovakia, the most important authority in the country, that document must be precise. It reported everything that has happened, and how the coup of 64, jeopardize a series of relations, and the operations with the network of agents. Maybe even the army didn’t realise immediately,

what they were facing. The lists of suspensions of the Institutional Acts were almost on spot, because the people framed, were really implied in relations with a foreign secret service, and that represented a crime, and had the consequence in the loss of political rights. With Castelo Branco you have the interpretation that the military intervention, was just a surgical intervention. We have an issue, this issue is grave, but it can be resolved with an hospitalization, sedation, then you work the patient, remove the issue, close off and it’s done. Surgical intervention, quick, efficient and it’s done, leave the

patient in it’s independence. As soon as Castelo Branco completed the term of João Goulart, new direct elections should be held in 1965. But this wasn’t a unanymous thought among the military. Different groups disputed space, exercising pressure in the newly formed government. The president of the republic, who considers himself a legitimate representative of the revolution of 64, March 31st. Sees himself in a critical moment, which he has to make a decision. Either the revolution continues or it falls apart. The group called “Hardline”, the most radical among army officers, was victorious, and overturned this intention. Castelo Branco

had his term extended, the scheduled election was suspended, and the Institutional Act Number 2 was formalized. From now on, the presidential election was the be held by congress and only two political parties could exist in the political system. Two-party system. Now you have the ARENA representing the government, and MDB would be a consensual opposition. But sometimes people exaggerate like the opposition was quiet, they didn’t say anything against the government, pretended to be opposition. But they spoke at the congress, they surely attacked the military government, they had vitality. There are documents, and segments which said that

the core of the left, was inside MDB intensively. In the first moments they saved us, really dismantled the communist revolution, but started to make a mess on the following day. Everybody was expecting to have elections in 6 months. Nobody asked them to take over power. Then they did a second coup, inside the coup. Curiously, when the decision of extending the presidential term for another 2 years is made, and the elections were to be done by congress, Carlos Lacerda profesizes, he said that... if this happens, a dictatorship lasting 20 years would be established in Brazil. When

the time came for the elections for governors and mayors, the opposition won in important states. Realizing the political defeat, the government and the Supreme Command decided to make another Institutional Act. The new act extended the indirect elections for state governors, which were to be voted by the state deputies. The elected governors appointed the mayors of each capital. The “Hardline” of the army advanced it’s control over the institutions. Castelo Branco, preoccupied with the rising of the “Hardline”, wanted to institutionalize as much as he could the regime. Since the regime is not going to end, since I’m

not going to hand over the power for the citizens, I’m going to institutionalize the system to create limitations, rules. Since the political system was subjugated, and the constitution of 1946 was practically torn up, so let’s make another one. Then he dispatches the Institutional Act Number 4, which summons the constituent assembly. Roberto Campos emphasizes on the “Lanterna na Popa”, his book of recollections, that the constituent assembly has real, it had discussions, disagreement, people gathered, debated. He promulgated this constitution, and it was one of the last important acts of Castelo’s government. Castelo Branco’s term comes to an

end. The political wing of the Sorbonists leave office, to an adversary successor. The election of Arthur da Costa e Silva, marks the first time the “Hardline” assumes power in Brazil, bringing along an ideology responsible for deep changes in brazilian politics. Costa e Silva had back then this authoritarian nature. He did not get along with Castelo Branco, and had the clear intention of breaking up with the modus operandi, of the castelist government. Total technocracy, the civil politicians disturb, they bother, make a mess, we must have technicians, the military in command, technicians to make reforms, to make

a white revolution. It’s a unacknowledged inheritance. There is lots of ideas that the military adhere to, by which they don’t even know the positivist origins. You say “positivism” and they: “nonsense, I never thought about it”. But even Augusto Comte said, the life of the living is determined by dead philosophers, from each you never even heard of. And this positivist influence believes in technocracy, that is to say, a government without political dispute, technicians and scientists who resolve everything. And that’s the way the army tried to govern. They called the best technicians from all areas, economy, energy,

transportation, etc, who made decisions, and the political class was only there to sign the decrees. So they reduced the congress to a kind of notary, only to register the documents. They terminated politics and the leadership. It’s a vanguard which reconstructs society, to represent and reconstruct society, and for that had to centralize power. Even before 1964, rural guerrillas and armed groups existed, and were determined to make a revolution. After March 31st, this groups went on to adopt heinous methods, and submitted Brazil to sinister times. The revolutionary terrorism was part of daily life; crime, fear and blood

made their presence in brazilian life. Bank and business robberies. Explosion of bombs in public places, shootings, and torture of innocents. The revolutionaries even murdered their own comrades, that wanted to give up the armed struggle. Brazilian communists followed the examples of their ideological companions, who in other countries counted for more the 50 million deaths, in the name of the revolution. On the month of February, before the military took power, PCdoB sent brazilians to China, to learn guerrilla tactics of Mao Tse Tung. It was these citizens that came back 4 years later, and formed the Guerrilla of

Araguaia. Arrested in this guerrilla, was José Genoíno. Even exiled, Leonel Brizola fomented from outside the revolution in Brazil. According to his son, Fidel Castro delivered $1 million dollars to his father, to buy guns, and ammunition and give it to the revolutionaries in Brazil. Criminals and terrorists, today revered as national heroes, kidnapped, tortured and murdered innocents in the name of their ideals. This is a not well publicized truth on the following years by the press, and brazilian academia, who treated it a “struggle for democracy against dictatorship”. I, particularly, participated and have the honor to have participated,

in the process of resisting the dictatorship. I have much pride, besides being spouse of Dilma for all these times, we formed an organization called: The Vanguarda Armada Revolucionária Palmares. We engaged in acts of expropriation, we used to call it that way, we went to get money from the banks, and the money was used to buy guns. We did actions on army headquarters to get guns. Nobody wanted democracy strategically, what everybody wanted was socialism. What was sought out was another dictatorship, the dictatorship of the proletariat. We were not exactly against the dictatorship, we were against the

bourgeois dictatorship, but we were in favor of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and nobody says that, but it has to be said, it’s part of our history. It is a lie told so many times, that it became history. Later the historical narratives, went on to be even more distorted in relation to that period, until the point of today, unfortunately, to be understood that people like Dilma, had fought for liberty, for democracy and for human rights, this is historical forgery. Take down the military regime, was the pretext used to lure militants to the main cause: install

a communist dictatorship. There were dozens of groups which with brutality, and coldness committed atrocities against the brazilian people. Among the terrorist groups that had greater prominence in that dark period, were: Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) Comando de Libertação Nacional (COLINA) Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro (o MR-8) Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCdoB) Vanguarda Popular Revolucionária (VPR) Vanguarda Armada Revolucionária Palmares (VAR-Palmares) Movimento Revolucionário Tiradentes (MRT). This groups were formed by people who would feature brazilian politics, on the following years. Among them there is Dilma Vana Rousseff, who was part of the organizations POLOP, COLINA, VAR-PALMARES and was electected

president of the country in 2011. The groups Dilma was part of, were responsible for various assaults, robberies, kidnappings and murders. Another protagonist of brazilian terrorism was Carlos Marighella, alongside groups linked to Liberation Theology, he was responsible for the creation of the most dangerous terrorist group, the country has ever known: the Aliança Libertadora Nacional Author of the book: Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla, published on June of 1969, Marighella discloses all the tactics, and objectives of terrorist groups, which followed the teachings strictly: kill police officers and members of the army, prepare bombs, robberies, kidnappings, terrorism and execute

colleagues who wanted to defect. In 2013, Marighella was honoured with a solemn session on the Federal Senate for what they called “social struggle”, as well as movies were made exalting his deeds, by the left who applauds, and celebrates barbarism and criminality. On September 4, 1969, the Aliança Libertadora Nacional of Marighella, and the MR8 of Franklin Martins, kidnapped the american ambassador Charles Elbrick, they demanded that arrested criminals were to be released. With no options, military officials gave in to the demands, and released 15 prisoners. Among them was José Dirceu, who would emerge decades later as a

guru of the left and future chief of staff minister, until he was convicted on the greatest corruption scheme, of brazilian history. The year 1966, was marked by various attacks on the capital of Pernambuco. After successive victimless attacks, on july 25 of that year, a briefcase containing explosives was left at the Guararapes airport lounge, leaving 17 wounded and 2 dead, among them was the journalist Edson Régis de Carvalho, married, and father of five children. Murders like this, and other terrorist attacks happened hundreds of times, in the 1960’s and 1970’s. The name of the victims was erased

from history, when ignored by the press and academia. Nothing was said about the victims of communism in Brazil. The story of the innocents, was not told. 119 lives were taken away in the name of the revolution, the majority didn’t have anything to do with the war between the army, and the terrorists. There is a divergence about the number of deaths, and missing persons during the military regime: 424, according to leftist movements; 362, according to the military officials. The truth must be in between this gap. With the growth of communist terrorism, the radical left gave pretext

for the fear, so the Hardline of the army could expand their power. It was in this warlike atmosphere that psychopaths, torturers, and criminals from both sides, took advantage to practice their perversions in the name of one cause or the other. The torture of oppositors was present in the police force, since Getúlio Vargas’ dictatorship. Unfortunately, it didn’t have it’s end on the military regime. The war waged by terrorists expanded the excuses for the oppression done by a fraction of the army. On the other hand, it enabled the student movement to use the deaths in combat to

build the idea that torture was a State policy, using it as a political instrument, and their publicity. The exaggeration was part of this intrumentralization. People who were accounted as missing, in reality were self exiled or were whistleblowers, who were given new identities by the government to prevent them from being murdered by ex-colleagues of the guerrillas. There is no need to justify torture, and tyranny to acknowledge crimes were committed. The objectives of the guerrillas were clear, and democracy was not among them. The word doesn’t even appear in books, discourses, and debates at the time. Costa e

Silva’s government was under pressure, from student demonstrations to terrorist acts. The government was becoming increasingly isolated. He gathers his ministers to discuss harsh measures, and then presents the project of the Institutional Act Number 5, which gave the executive branch, the power to run over others branches if necessary, to shut down congress, intervene on magistrates, on judges, relativize the habeas corpus, which was very dangerous. The idea that the AI-5 arose to combat the guerrilla is fantasy, because the constitutional dispositives to counter the guerrillas already existed. I saw how Italy, France, Germany, knew how to subdue terrorists

movements, without losing their regime’s democratic essence. It is possible to combat the militant, coward, murderous terrorism without letting aside the respect for the law, order and democracy. There were demonstrations, guerrillas, but the reflection that remains is: It was really necessary an AI-5 to counter all of that. Demonstrations justify the AI-5? People on the street, being left or right wing, to protest against a government, justifies a total closer of the political system? The next big step for the Frente Ampla, is to begin the fight within the law, for the people to reclaim the right to vote.

Lacerda’s political rights are revoked, he’s arrested, goes on a hunger strike. They told him the strike would not lead to anything, he stops, then is released, but still without his political rights, and this is the end of Lacerda as a politician. He doesn’t live to see his rights reclaimed. That is to say, it started to shape up, more definitely and irredeemably, the annihilation of the civil leaderships. The regime assumes the face that the Hardline wanted: a technocratic regime, a regime of the army, promoting the development above of the society, of the institutions and the economy.

From then on there is no way to treat this political status, technically speaking, in other way as a dictatorship, there is a dictatorship in Brazil from 68 onward. "Military ministers take over the government" Pedro Aleixo was supposed to take office, but the army vetoes because they understood that Brazil had a complex political situation. The complexity was real, but mostly because of the army itself. A military council takes power, three generals, three ministers from different armed forces. “We take care of the country until the election of 69 to elect a new president”. MDB, realising the hegemony

of the Hardline, didn’t even present a candidate from the opposition. In protest, they abstain, abandon parliament and let the next president be elected however they wish. And when you get to Médici, you have continuation of the means Costa e Silva had done, the national-developmentalism. Remember when I told about one group of militaries made fun of each other, these presidents, Costa e Silva and Médici, they are considered the ones from the Hardline. But we cannot perceive them as roughs, and rude taking power. Médici was applauded in any sporting event when he was present, we was applauded

by everyone. He had a stage presence that was impressive starting with his own timbre. His voice was an impactful voice. Faith in what we must build together for the wellbeing of our people and truthfulness in the cause of justice, progress and peace. This is the message I bring from the brazilian people Then a keynesianism spell starts to happen, a developmentalist illusion, based on the ground that was prepared before, immediate results are felt by the people, the economy becomes greater, one of the greatest economies in the world, who began to look up to Brazil with interest,

and curiosity. The growth rate sounded surreal, they exceeded 10% in a year, reaching almost 14%. To what do we owe this? Brazil was taking foreign funds, and using this money to leverage even more the economic growth. The military government had almost total acceptance. If you search for the TV images of that time, which was the great broadcast instrument, the videos said, the song “Forward, Brasil”, the 1970 world cup was won under Médici. All this propaganda united the victories with the government. Sports victories, Fittipaldi wins the Formula 1 However, the brazilian population had a steep growing

youth population, expanding in an intense manner. What do we have? The military discourse, from the publicity point of view, was restrict to a certain type of public. Chico Buarque, Gilberto Gil, they spoke to the youth in a much more close way. The military appeal to the motto of Nelson Rodrigues: “youth, grow old”. But the youth wanted May of 68 here, they didn’t want to grow old. “May of 68 imposed a moral and intellectual relativism to all of us. It imposed the idea that there was no difference between good and evil, truth and falsehood, beauty and

ugliness” - Nicolás Sarkozy In the 1960’s, western society underwent a series of profound transformations. Beliefs, values and traditions which accumulated through the centuries, began to be questioned. The hippie movement of the United States, and the events of May of 68 in France are reflections of this cultural revolution happening in the western world, when the youth and students protested, and clashed with the police demanding social changes. Using the disguise of genuine social demands, such as sexual liberalization, the world peace movement, abortion, and the breakdown of traditional family notion, the youth was used as puppets, on a

scheme they could not see. Realizing that the working class had not joined to the revolution as Marx predicted, the communist philosopher Georg Lukács, concluded that the revolutionary movement didn’t have to worry about the destruction of capitalism, but instead, the bases of western civilization: the greek philosophy, roman law, and judeo-christian religion. Following this line, the founder of the italian communist party wrote the “The Prison Notebooks” in which he concludes that the marxist strategy must happen in the cultural sphere, destroying values, morals, religions and the family. For this, the communists must occupy posts and exercise control over

the means of educations, religions institutions, and communication in order to pervert them and create a new way of thinking. Leftist ideology took over took over not only the minds by which it was directed but also of intellectuals, clergymen and teachers. It was not the masses: but the leaders and teachers of nations, those who have the government over souls. The idea that you are not going to cause a revolution, but you are causing a hegemony and in that hegemony you are going to wake up as a communist, like that. Because there would be a standardisation of

a world view, and in this standardisation are going to cause what communism would have failed at first, through armed struggle. All of this should be done in a silent way, for the people to be conducted to this cultural hegemony, without noticing it, thinking in terms of the socialist language, without realizing. If economic socialism failed, if the communist tyrannies all ended up in genocide, it was in the cultural war that the left won it’s greatest triumph. Brazil is going to be the greatest gramcsist country in the world. Italy and France, two country where gramscism cought on,

never reached the level of brazilian gramscism. What’s the deal about gramscism? Why nobody understands it Brazil? The best way to be a orthodox gramscist, is never hearing about Gramsci. He wants hegemony, he doesn’t want a barracks revolution, he doesn’t want boots, nor uniforms, he wants a culture where you are always repeating the same terms. Why today’s left always are saying: “chauvinism, racism and homophobia”? That’s gramscism. The ideas of Antonio Gramsci reached Brazil after 1965, due to Ênio Silveira. We need to gather a union movement, a cultural movement When the talks about guerillas started, the left

split up, it wasn’t a conflict, only a kind of work division, where a little fraction went to the guerrillas, to die in the guerrillas, everyone knew they were going to die, while the other part, headed by Luis Carlos Prestes, and with greater affinity to the "Partidão", including Ênio Silveira, dedicated themselves to study the strategy of Antonio Gramsci, and apply it. Then they started to occupy spots in midia, show business, and every other place. This work was being conceived in the universities, gramscism was being developed, Fernando Henrique Cardoso was one of the first promoters of gramscism

in Brazil, and this was moulding the left’s mentality. And along with Antonio Gramsci, came this Frankfurt School business, which went almost on the same direction. For example, to the Frankfurt School, the proletariat was not the revolutionary class anymore, it could be one them, but it did not have predominant power anymore. So they allowed the entry of new revolutionary classes, such as intellectuals, students, the lupin proletariat, that is: prostitutes, drug users, criminals. Gradually, the new revolutionary strategy began to infiltrate on universities, specially through institutions such as the National Union of Students. The popular culture was spreading

out, inspired by international movements. Defiance took over brazilian youth. We are going to have poems, and festivals happening widespread amidst that period. We were having the greatest amount of movies being made, the sense of being the opposition to the military regime, was considered cool. The person understood, as an alienated young person or an alienated adult, that buying that material made that person a transgressor of the regime, it was very popular What was the great high for the students at USP between 71 and 74? Get drunk near Rebouças avenue, then everybody was drunk in the early

afternoon, trash talking about the military. A great high for that time. In the meantime, for example, Chico Buarque, Gilberto Gil, and Caetano Veloso organized festivals with high relevance, under the scope of reaching people, they had protagonism, they made the rules. The counterculture movement in Brazil, was very strong. The festive left was fun, the weed, the beach, the bender, and everything else was normal, this happened in woodstock, happened on May of 68. It was an anti authoritarian movement, a movement of contestation. At that time, movie productions were in a all time high. During the 70’s, the

media, once a supporter of the military intervention, now was slowly being dominated by the left’s space occupation. The major and minor ones, they dominated everything, there was not a single right wing publication, none, zero. Of course there was right wing editorials, for example, the editorial from Globo was frequently in favour of the government and against the left, but only the editorial. It was a small space, that the left generously gave the owners of the newspaper: “you can write whatever you want here, the rest we take care of”. If you get names like Narciso Kalili, Milton

Severino da Silva, who was one of the most important guys in the Realidade magazine, then they all went to the alternative media, then went back. It were the same guys. The called the shot in both of them. In 1974, Ernesto Geisel was elected by congress, it marked the end of the Hardline governments. Promising to promote the reopening after years of repression against terrorist guerrillas, and the hardening of the regime, Geisel invites General Golbery do Couto e Silva, to be an important figure of the transition. He is going to be responsible for the theory that brought

incalculable consequences, for brazilian politics. Worrying about students protests, and the discontent with the regime, the government adopts a tactic, to deal with the tensions increasingly more present in the society. Golbery’s idea, which became famous, was the “pressure pot”, society is in a pressure pot, which is going to explode at any moment, so we need to relieve this pressure. What is this pressure? Is to allow that inside the left, emerges a more moderate left to control it’s radicals. The army defeated the guerrilla in the armed struggle, on the military ground, which is what they really know

how to do. For this not to happen again, they let the left free to articulate, the various leftist movements articulated inside the institutions. What the military does, in reality, is to give away the universities to leftist hands. Which was were the communists were specializing in, because they were reading Antonio Gramsci. When Geisel, and the whole moment of the dictatorship, simply forgot the cultural left, they simply chased terrorism, they let the cultural left tell the story of terrorism. About the persecution of terrorism. And never again you will hear a word like “left terrorism” in Brazil. The

history teachers, the theory of the “pressure pot” from General Golbery, will say exactly that, that is, they need to speak freely there. What did brazilian universities became? People that say “I studied history” once they studied marxist historiography to everything. I always thought the emphasis that the military gave to armed combat was stupid, much more dangerous was the work they were doing at the universities, in show business, in media. The gramscian cultural revolution, this was the real danger. The director of one of the main communist publishers in Brazil, Ênio Silveira, two weeks before his death, he

told me that during the whole military regime, his publishing company survived only due to aid from the military government. The AI-5, promulgated in 69, established the previous censorship of the press, works, and cultural pieces deemed as subversive or immoral by the military. During it’s validity, various theater pieces, songs, and news reports, were previously forbidden from circulation in mass media, and public spaces. It was during Médici and Geisel’s government, that the artifice was mostly applied. Obviously there was censorship in the military regime, but it was very unprofessional. They would place a janitor, even old ladies to

make the censorship. They censored silly things, pornography. They placed a censor in each newsroom, for example, at Estadão the censor didn’t even get in the newsroom, they were not allowed to, he stayed at the entry. And he was with a pencil, and sometimes he would censor a news report. The report would be banned for two or three weeks, and when the actuality of the news passed, they could publish it. The censorship didn’t prevent what really mattered to the destiny of the country to penetrate the imagery of society, to be installed on the imagination in cultural

sphere. There was repression, sometimes the police would go to universities, and arrest a student or professor linked to the guerrillas, but there was never this repressive violent movement inside the universities, shutting down courses, prohibition of books, etc, it never happened. People sometimes were arrested after getting into trouble, then later released. There were communists in the university, just like today, who have being failing classes just to stay at the university, and preach this crap to other students. It already existed at the time. This notion of terror, and repression is much exaggerated. It’s funny that people talk

about the military regime, dictatorship and censorship. First of all: all the publications from the liberation theology, were made during the military regime, it emerges during the 70’s outside of Brazil, then it flows to Brazil, and to all the church based communities in the 70’s, after AI-5, it contaminates all of Brazil and nothing happens. That is to say, what dictatorship is this that these books have major publications? All the famous books from Boff, “Jesus Christ Liberator”, “Church, Charisma and Power”, the “Letters from Prison” from Frei Betto became best sellers in the world, and in Brazil during

the military regime. So I say, what dictatorship is this? There is no widespread censorship, like if you were walking down the street, and shouted “down with the military regime” and immediately you were arrested and thrown in the basement of DOPS, what is this crap? It does not fit with historic accounts. We need to understand that, in Brazil, Picasso was censored, the Bolshoi ballet was censored, Nelson Rodrigues was censored, Playboy magazine was censored, there was a moralism in the land of the Pornochanchada. It’s like that saying from the aforementioned, Carlos Lacerda: “You sometimes want to cite

Shakespeare at the land of Dercy Gonçalves”, Brazil is not that simple. There was this false moralism, and the left knew very well how to explore that. And the fact of the growing censorship, censorship which sometimes was abject, missing the right target, like Nelson Rodrigues, even though the intellectual was not a leftist, a Raquel de Queiroz, for example, she had complaints about the period, Gilberto Freyre had complaints, João Camilo de Oliveira Torres had complaints, Gustavo Corção had complaints. Even if the intellectual had antipathy, and was an opposition to the left, in what involved the defense of

the period, they were quite afraid to establish. Today’s narrative says the military was the right wing. But in my understanding this is wrong, the military was revolutionary movement. Geisel’s government marks the end of the Economic Miracle. The first oil shock causes an international crises which affected Brazil directly. In spite of that, the government didn’t abandon their developmentalists economic policies, creating state owned companies, regulates the market, which makes inflation rise. At the same time, the government adopts a dubious conduct, taking measures to reopen the regime, such as the end of censorship, and the extinction of the

AI-5, however shutting congress down to approve the April Package, which extended the term of the presidency from five to six years, and established the so called Bionic Senators, which stipulated that a third of the senators, would be elected indirectly. The antipathy existed, a president who was supposed to appease, who preached the end of the own system, who gave hope for direct elections, in a short period, shuts down the congress. We had the death of Herzog, we had various symbols enhancing the deterioration which was pivoted by the exponential inflation rates. Now with the presidential sash, president

Figueiredo thanks his predecessor and emphasizes: “It’s my unshaken purpose to make this country a democracy. The reforms of the imminent president Ernesto Geisel, will proceed until the many facets of public opinion could express themselves, purifying the process of disfiguration influences compromising their representation. He takes the presidency with the mission to end it all, to put and end to the regime. The regime was tired, inflation was sky high, Figueiredo faces another crises, another oil shock, a dramatic situation for the government’s bills. Figueiredo also struggles with remnants of the intentions of the Hardline, to not let the

regime to be over, but then we had the Riocentro attack, which probably was made by the Hardline, not from the extreme left, they were trying to hold the process, but Figueiredo says; “I promised I’ll open, I’ll hand it over, I’ll make a democracy out of this country” Among the opening democratic proposals of João Figueiredo was the amnesty, which pardoned crimes committed during the civil war between communists, and the military. I hope to see the amnestied reintegrated on national daily life. What the Amnesty Law determined is putting it all behind for both sides, in order for

the society to pacify and move on, and then through history’s eyes, not from plain justice, people will judge the facts, the circumstances, the hard choices people had to make on different contexts, acknowledging the world was different, which without we would have injustice, and anachronism without a shadow of a doubt. And all the leftist leadership returns. Brizola was one of them. Geisel And Golbery, preoccupied with the imminent return of brizolism, when then this amnesty happened, they facilitate the union activities, for example, from Lula. The workers strikes organized mainly on the ABC region, they had a huge

impact, even so that we had the strikes era, with the definite article “The Strike”. To the point, coupled with the liberation theology, with explicit gramscists, formed PT later on. PT soon followed the path, as the minutes of the Foro de São Paulo say: “to make in Latin America what failed in eastern europe”. It’s on their records. Lacerda dies, Juscelino Kubitschek dies, and Brazil ends up with not many alternatives of a centre or a more anti communist right wing, more libertarian Figueiredo, at the same time, takes care of the amnesty, takes care of the liberalization of

political parties for a regulated dispute, so you have the ARENA being transformed into PDS, MDB transforms into PMDB. Parties keep emerging: PP, PDT and the PT. These parties emerged trying to represent various interests, they were very much alike, it was what later Roberto Campos called; the chaotic multi-party system of the New Republic. Roberto Campos divided our history in after João Goulart, after the Republic of 46, between an inorganic multi-party system, which was the system at the time, between 46 and 64. The constrained two-party system, which was the system under the military regime. Then the regulated

multi-party system, which is the dispute under Figueiredo’s government, and finally the chaotic multi-party system of the new republic. Look how curious: you had 20 years of military dictatorship, supposedly repressive, anti-communist, etc. But when the regime falls, there’s only organized political force, which was PT. PT shelters the various radical revolutionary streams, that emerged inside the regime and were crushed in the guerrilla, and PT starts to absorb that as trends. All the political parties that were supposedly right wing, PFL, PP, they were all rubbish, they were physiological parties which had no representation in society, but were parties

of the masses. “one, two, three, four, five, thousand, we want to elect the president of Brazil! one, two, three, four, five, thousand, we want to elect the president of Brazil!”, “Direct elections now!" It was possible because the people were feeling the inflation, if it wasn’t for that, the brazilian middle class, would keep supporting the military regime, because they don’t get out on the streets if their pockets are not affected, brazilian history is like that. At the “Diretas Já” demonstrations, if you see the videos, of course you had ordinary people advocating for direct elections, I’m not

saying the contrary, but if you look you’ll see PT flags, lots of extreme left flags at the demonstration. The political leaders were from all kinds, there was Ulisses Guimarães, Tancredo Neves, but there was Brizola, Lula, all these people were there thickening the enthusiast of the ideological-partisan that filled that process, and that pressure for a reopening. Ulisses Guimarães was the reference of MDB, the partisan reference of the struggle for direct elections, he was known as “Mr. Directs”. The great demands which gained strength at the moment, the constituent, and direct elections for president, were personified at Ulisses

Guimarães. Firt of all: the “Diretas Já” movement was ineffective as a action in the political sphere. It was effective as symbol. The military simply handed it over, they didn’t know what else to do. Nobody took them out, they removed themselves, all they wanted was to go home. They placed Maluf as candidate, a civilian. The forces that constituted the regime at the time, were choosing a civilian for the dispute, so the story was liquidated. And his adversary was Tancredo Neves, who was a reference of MDB, he was a political figure who had extensive experience he was

a minister for Getúlio, was the first prime minister of the ephemeral parliamentarism of 1961, which we told at the beginning of the story. Congress opts for a gradual transition electing Tancredo Neves, still through indirect elections. It has been 21 years, since a civilian was elected as president of the republic. April 21, 1985 The president of the republic, Tancredo de Almeida Neves, has passed away tonight at the Instituto do Coração, at 10:23PM. Brazil cries for Tancredo’s death President José Sarney, in farewell to Tancredo: "Your dream will be our dream" Looking back, taking due account, then we

think; ask yourself, however you wish the paths people chose, the entanglements of this pathway, they made hard decisions, they need to be judged considering this, considering the hard scenario, and the civilizational dispute that was at play. And, at the same time, how many lost opportunities along this period. The military, instead of being the Moderator Power, they ended up being, from 1889 onwards, sought to be the executive, and the moderating power themselves. Committed mistakes on the strategy of action on the cultural sphere, ignored the advice from intellectuals, who supported the period at some point. Banalized the

political opposition genuinely democratic, which existed before the 1960’s. They made the mistake of keeping the State rigged, which came from Vargas’ period. They increased the range of action of the government, just like Vargas, who was authoritarian in nature. This structure does not end with the military regime, so the people did not achieve a full democracy, they achieved a choice for bondage. It makes a person, when assuming power, having control of the state owned companies, the appointment of political offices, by other party members, a great instrument of the State. So, the army harnessed the State and

handed it over to it’s successors, who had a tenacious opposition of what they experienced before. Then you get back Brizola, Darcy Ribeiro, Paulo Freire, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, everyone with theories and even more, with an empiric bases which made them icons. The promised changes made by the political class, demanded a new constitution for Brazil, which not only guarantee direct elections for president, but also brought about all the values championed by the ones, desiring to found the myth of the New Republic. With the Amnesty Law and the cultural revolution in universities, former guerrillas, left-wing intellectuals and former

politicians took on the role of putting the new constituent on the agenda. The wear out of conservative and libertarian leaderships, only one side featured the debate, and the drafting which gave form to the new State of Brazil. The enthusiasm of the proposals from union movements, and the organized activism of the new parties such as PT, PDT and MDB, gave cause to the second largest constitution in the world. Proposals which placed Brazil near a civil war, which provoked a military intervention, now were rules of the State. The Reformas de Base of João Goulart, which relativised private

property, and a nanny State became fixed clauses on the life of all brazilians. That was it, that text, that document existing, determining benefits, rights, advantages. It is what ties Brazil down. Roberto Campos, when he saw the constitution printed at the printing office at congress, they handed it over to him and he said: “Is there still phone books?” When you promise gratuity for everyone, what you deliver is mediocrity for everyone. At one hand, convey with many hands the more convenient version. On the other, keep alive the memory which the left wing parties in Brazil, hold some

kind of nostalgia. This New Republic is a farce. It’s a great bureaucracy, and the people are ousted. This huge bureaucracy is protecting itself, and in order to do that, what do they need? They need to protect the funding myth of the New Republic. They need to insist on the thesis that this New Republic is founded for the citizen against a dictator, and anyone who disagrees with this is a dictator. Parties like the PCdoB, which their essence is maoism, what democracy is this that you dabate with a maoist? I never saw them having a single human

sentiment, for those they killed. When they do, they abandon the cause, like Gabeira, for example. Gabeira realized, and said “what are we doing here?” So if the story must be the teacher of life, then it must be based on truth, regardless of whether it is well-seen or misunderstood. How the Cold War ended? If we were part of it, if we thwarted a revolution, it was with the help of the fourth branch, the Army. For 21 years this justification kept power in military hands, and was the birth of new consequences. The revolution went from the guns

to the books, transformed a side of the war in martyrs, made propaganda from history, spreaded it through schools, on media, on universities. Formed the new brazilian generation. This generation went to work in mass media, publishing companies, and education institutions of Brazil. The hegemony almost erased the past, and perpetuated a narrative: A side of the war was the hero, the other, the oppressor. What did the heroes do? “In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth is a revolutionary act.” George Orwell