Roi du Maroc, le règne secret

Morocco is a monarchy by divine right. The Alawite dynasty has ruled the country since the 17th century. - We have the impression that Mohammed VI is trying to combine modernity and tradition. He takes pictures of himself, and he takes pictures of himself with selfies. When he returns 2 days later, he is treated like a divinity. No one can approach him without kissing his hand, everyone must bow down for miles. The king of Morocco has many faces. Mohammed VI, progressive sovereign or absolute monarch? Every year, in front of the royal palace of Rabat, the ritual is

immutable. The dignitaries of the kingdom swear allegiance to their sovereign during the Bay'a ceremony. - When the king leaves, everyone prostrates, there is a huge crowd on the esplanade of the royal palace where people are like that... There is the chamberlain who says: "Your Lord, he is here! Your Lord tells you..." It's incredible and we are in the 21st century. When Mohammed VI ascended the throne in 1999, he was 36 years old. - People had a lot of hope that Mohammed VI could change things. - He invested a lot at the start of his reign

on the image of an open, humble, modest king. King of the poor, king of the widow and the orphan, etc. In fact, we have a royal entourage, which has really monopolized the jewels of the Moroccan economy, to strengthen the royal fortune. In Morocco, the power of Mohammed VI is immense, and no one is allowed to question it. - Today, this is the reason why you no longer have a truly independent press. Personally, I was forced to leave the country because I was ordered to pay the equivalent of €250,000 in a defamation case. And what happened

with these two French journalists, accused in August 2015 of having negotiated 2 million euros in exchange for their silence? - I had 20 minutes. That's about the time I estimate where I faltered. At one point, yes, I wanted the money and I assumed it, and I fully assumed it. Despite the crises, the bond that unites France and the King of Morocco is unwavering. And beyond the beautiful images, what do we really know about this strategic country, for all successive French governments, from the right to the left? King of Morocco, secret reign. From the first days

of filming, we were arrested by plainclothes police officers. The next day we were expelled from the country. We had placed our images securely. Mohammed VI's father is an authoritarian and intractable monarch. Hassan II will teach the profession of king to his eldest son, as he rules the kingdom: with his finger and his eye. In the shadow of this omnipresent figure, the crown prince struggles to find his place. His atypical childhood was punctuated by travel and official ceremonies. - Growing up under the shadow of Hassan II is not easy. Hassan II is an overwhelming and bulky

personality, from every point of view, who does not leave people much room. And on top of that, having been identified very early by his father as his successor, placed him in a very difficult position. Sidi Mohammed, crown prince of Morocco, is still a child. He followed his father during his official trip to France. He never left it, whatever the time or place. - Monsignor, would you like to begin? - The miller, his son, is there. The crown prince grew up at the royal college, a completely closed institution within the Royal Palace in Rabat. ... If

I remember correctly, go sell their donkey on a certain day at a fair... At the Royal College, they rub shoulders with selected children, among the most brilliant in the kingdom. - This is anti-Islamic literature. The daily life of the future king of Morocco: Classes from 7 a.m. until 8 p.m. - Do you speak several languages? - Yes, Arabic, French... A little English, barely... We started this year. Then Spanish... The crown prince does 6 hours of sport per week, with riding lessons on the thoroughbreds of the Royal Haras. Sometimes he becomes a child again. But not

long. Impossible to forget his destiny as king. - If you were not crown prince, what job would you have liked to do? - I would have liked to be a pilot. - Car driver? - No, planes. Morocco is not a French colony like any other. Upon its independence in 1956, this former protectorate did not want a brutal break with our country. But Hassan II's Morocco is poor. The monarchy faces many oppositions. The extreme left, first, embodied by the socialist Mehdi Ben Barka, radical figure of the Third World movement in Morocco, very virulent against the monarchy.

In October 1965, Mehdi Ben Barka was kidnapped while having lunch in a brasserie on Boulevard Saint-Germain in Paris. His body has never been found. But the shadow of Hassan II's regime hangs over this mysterious kidnapping. - Once we had both settled the score with Ben Barka, and given the push of the Moroccan Socialist Party, we had to face the putsch attempts by the Moroccan military. In 1971, on his 42nd birthday, Hassan II escaped a shootout organized by a dozen rebel officers. And in 1972, his plane was attacked in the sky, by planes of his own

army, while he was returning from a stay in Paris. It's a miracle, the king escaped without a scratch. Hassan II will tighten his regime. It was the beginning of the years of lead. For the putschist officers, the king created the secret prison of Tazmamart, in the Atlas Mountains, in the south-east of Morocco. In Tazmamart, of which here are the only images ever filmed, detention conditions are very harsh. The Moroccan army tortures in Tazmamart, but the international community looks away. The brutality of Hassan II's regime remained secret for a very long time. Until 1990. The French

writer Gilles Perrault released a book entitled: “Our friend the king”. - The reality that I described was so far from the Epinal image that was given of Morocco. It was suddenly a terrible kingdom with medieval morals. And again, it is insulting the Middle Ages to say that. It was so far away that people were taken aback, and I even remember the journalists who interviewed me saying to me: "But... Didn't you force the dose a little? Tazmamart? This n It’s not possible though!” - If ! And at the same time, you had Hassan II saying: "It's

pure imagination! Tazmamart never existed!" - You definitely have semiologists among your viewers! I don't have the look of a man who tortures, who tortures all day long, who finds a way to sleep, to do his job well, to laugh, to smile, to kiss his children, and to have the nerve on top of that, to go and shake the hands of heads of state! Behind the facade smile, Hassan II is furious. Because of this book, the king of Morocco threatens to break diplomatic relations with France. - I remind you that there is cooling. The term is

not too strong in Franco-Moroccan relations, following the publication of Gilles Perrault's book entitled "Our friend the king". French interests in Morocco are very numerous. Tourism, large businesses, trade between the two countries, have systematically pushed the French political class to turn a blind eye to the excesses of an authoritarian regime. President Mitterrand's entourage is worried about French interests in Morocco. - The politicians did not like the release of my book. I was accused of irresponsibility. I was told: “You are cheapening the 25,000 French people who work in Morocco.” “For a crusade for human rights, in favor

of human rights, you are throwing away things that are important from an economic point of view, from a political point of view.” Little by little, the crisis will subside. Because in France, the political class wants to preserve this privileged relationship with its friend the king. In 1990, the crown prince, future Mohammed VI, was 27 years old. His father is becoming more and more authoritarian with him. He even allegedly deprived him of money. As soon as he had the chance, the crown prince fled the palace. He travels the world surrounded by a few friends. Like him,

most come from the Royal College. Hassan II finds this life too dilettante. So, to follow all the actions of his own son, he entrusts a special mission to his trusted man, the Minister of the Interior, Driss Basri. - Basri knew all the small or big slip-ups that a crown prince can commit. I think it was unbearable to be constantly under the gaze or under the control of the Minister of the Interior, who was the man who did everything, and in particular the dirty works of Hassan II. In July 1999, Hassan II died after 38 years

of reign at the age of 70. A 40-day national mourning is declared. A page is turning in the Kingdom of Morocco. When he ascended the throne, Mohammed VI did not really know how he wanted to reign. But in the street, scenes of jubilation follow sadness. It attests to the change desired by the population. This is what Moulay Hicham wants to explain to his cousin, the young king of Morocco. He requests an interview. The king is dead. So long live the new king and long live the reforms. - I said that we should not interpret all

the jubilation as a blank mandate. That behind all this there was an expectation, that there was a demonstration of solidarity, of attachment, but that behind it, there were a lot of expectations, and a lot of hopes and a lot of aspirations. It lasted... For about half an hour, he listened, attentively, with respect and courtesy, and I went on my way. Hassan II did not really trust his son. Perhaps this is why, before dying, he asked his friend, French President Jacques Chirac, to keep an eye on him. In March 2000, it was in Paris that the

young sovereign made his first official visit abroad. - During the first years, he briefed him, he often invited him to Paris, etc. And it all ends up annoying the king who complained here and there. He was big enough to handle himself. - Mister President ! So ! Majesty, perfect! His Highness. THANKS ! - It was perhaps also becoming burdensome for the young king, who wanted to take off and get rid of this somewhat burdensome tutelage. And he really distanced himself. The king asserts himself. To make his mark, he made an emblematic decision. In his sights

is Driss Basri, his father's Minister of the Interior. The one who had been spying on him for years. Human rights activist in Morocco, Fouad Abdelmoumni was imprisoned for 5 years under the regime of Hassan II. - The Minister of the Interior, who was the executioner of the father's dirty works, was reputed to not like Mohammed VI, not to consider that he had the build of a king. Mohammed VI dismisses Driss Basri overnight. - It was extremely profitable in terms of image since we associated the repression, and the years of lead with Driss Basri as The

Executor. And so it was giving pledges of commitment to democracy and human rights. The young king first embodies openness. From the outset, he constructed his image as a modern sovereign, well in his time. To communicate, he first uses an effective weapon with the Moroccan people, his wife, Lalla Salma. This is a first in Morocco, the king's wife becomes a public figure. It appears everywhere in the press. At the Royal Palace, the advisors shaped the image of a king close to the people. They invent a formula: the king of the poor. Mohammed VI does not only

communicate, he also commits his country to the path of reform. The king attacks the family code. On the status of women, the law is changing. In 2004, Moroccan women obtained new rights. A revolution for a very conservative country. - This reform was eagerly awaited. She gave for example for divorce, for child custody, for the general status of Moroccan women. There are lots of things that have really made life easier for Moroccan women. Mohammed VI is moving the lines. In 2004, he created the “Equity and Reconciliation” body. It is a recognition for the victims of torture,

and the families of those who disappeared under the regime of his father, repressive and violent towards his political opponents. 16,000 files will be publicly investigated by this commission. Morocco specialist, Ignace Dalle is one of the first to meet the former prisoners locked up in the prisons of Hassan II. The king created this “Equity and Reconciliation” body to satisfy the wish of many Moroccans, to turn the page on the years of lead which still affected tens of thousands of people, thousands of missing people, thousands of deaths. , thousands of former political prisoners, who had suffered deeply

in their flesh, and often families who had lost loved ones, etc. There were also considerable sums released to compensate all these families, and in particular the former prisoners of Tazmamart. Then, quickly, Mohammed VI will change all the heads of the regime. These new advisors are friends from my youth. Like him, many come from the royal college. Fouad Ali El Himma, for example. Close friend of the king, very influential, he becomes the new security face of the kingdom. The second man who now counts in Morocco is Mounir Majidi. Officially, he is first and foremost the private

secretary of the new monarch. But from 2002, Mounir Majidi became Mohammed VI's big financier. He holds the reins of the royal holding company. The royal holding company is a financial company that belongs to the king's family. It holds stakes in many large companies in the Moroccan economy, in all the country's strategic sectors: agri-food, mining, mass distribution, insurance and even television. Mohammed VI inherited the royal holding company from his father, Hassan II, who did not really take care of it, too absorbed in fighting his political opponents and consolidating his stature as a statesman. Mohammed VI will

quickly show his appetite for business. - Mohammed VI was not shaped by the obligation to survive. He therefore had the leisure to focus on other issues, those of the economy at the national level. And he had more leisure to develop and grow his personal assets. When he inherited the royal holding company, Mohammed VI wanted to increase profits. His men will make businesses much more profitable. To do this, they will modernize Morocco's economy, and take it out of the era of small commerce which still reigns in the country. The sovereign launches major projects. He provided the

kingdom with numerous infrastructures. Like the port of Tanger Med, built between 2004 and 2007, which has today become one of the largest ports in the Mediterranean for freight . Royal companies are involved in most of these new projects. Karim Tazi owns a textile company with 1,200 employees. He saw the influence of the royal holding company over the Moroccan economy grow. - Hell is paved with good intentions. I believe that at the beginning, there was really the conviction, perhaps the illusion, that the development of the royal holding company could serve as a locomotive for the national

economy. Unfortunately, where the good intention became hellish was that, at that moment, there was what is considered in Morocco to be a business-related drift. And royal affairs began to dominate, in a way that inspired fears. The royal holding company invests in tourism, construction, mobile telephony, and above all, it gives birth to a banking juggernaut, which will quickly become one of the most powerful banks on the African continent. In the late 2000s, Her Majesty's subjects became her clients. From morning to evening, they consume royal products. - The sugar you put in your coffee is the king,

Cosumar. The milk you put in your coffee is Centrale Laitière, where the king was associated with Danone. You probably bought the car from the company, which is owned by the royal family. You financed your car by taking out an Attijariwafa bank loan, you insured it by taking out an Attijariwafa insurance loan, etc. So, you can live practically by consuming products, which are sold by king companies. - There is a clear and obvious conflict of interest. When you are the king and you have so many economic interests, and you weigh so heavily economically, there cannot but

be a great temptation to use the levers of power to promote your business. Like in agriculture. The royal company is the country's leading producer and exporter. Is it a coincidence that in Morocco, the agricultural sector is completely exempt from taxes? Najib Akesbi is a historic member of the Moroccan Socialist Party. - When you exempt the sector, while everyone knows that the least we can say is that you are a major player in the sector, it is obvious that you cannot prevent people from thinking that first you exempt your own affairs... There is a problem. Another

example, in mobile telephony. In Morocco, two operators have shared the market for a very long time. But in 2009, the royal holding decided to create a third. - Where royal shareholding can prove decisive is when, for example, it is necessary to obtain a telephone license. We know very well that a GSM license is very difficult to obtain, and it is very unlikely that it would have been granted to a third African or Italian or Chinese entrant. Very unlikely. On the other hand, its attribution to the subsidiary of a royal holding company was done without much

problem. Alongside the winds of reform blowing across the kingdom, Mohammed VI accepted the growth of a free and independent press. A whole generation of uncompromising Moroccan journalists is rushing into this new space of freedom. With catchy headlines and in-depth investigations, particularly devoted to the king and his affairs. Mohammed VI will gradually get annoyed. When it comes to freedom of expression, he will backtrack, and finally step into his father's shoes. Because he had no choice, Ahmed Benchemsi now lives in exile in the United States. He ran two important weeklies in Morocco. - The harassment started gradually

from 2002-2003. And it crescendoed until 2009-2010, where it was absolutely no longer possible to do independent journalism, the way we did it before. - What is independent journalism in Morocco? - For example surveys, investigations, which give a lot of details on the king's fortune, daring editorials on the conflict of interest, on the mixing of genres. I've written things like that. Today, I think it would be more possible. Several journalists had to go into exile. Aboubakr Jamaï was a press boss recognized for his independence. The regime finally lost the newspaper it ran. - They attacked us

on an institutional level by attacking the economic model, by giving orders and instructions to advertisers to no longer work with us, to no longer distribute their advertising, by prefabricating cases of defamation where in fact, we were condemned at dizzying sums. This is how I was forced to leave the country. I was ordered to pay the equivalent of €250,000, in a defamation case, which I could not pay and they came to seize my property from my home. I was forced to leave the country because I no longer had enough to feed my children. - I suffered

a lot of unfair trials with totally excessive fines. It happened several times that the police invaded the printing house and destroyed copies by the tens of thousands. - For me, there were 17 people who stormed my terrace. I filmed them. Among the people present on the journalist's terrace that day, the Moroccan equivalent of the regional prefect, here filming him. - What are these people doing on a private terrace? But that's a way of saying: "We're watching you, and you better be careful." - Our job as journalists and political journalists is to hold those in power

to account. In Morocco, we could criticize the Prime Minister, because they are not the ones who have the power, the ones who really have the power... Ultimately, it is the king and those who surround him. Have fun criticizing them. Almost 10 years ago, Ali Lmrabet left Morocco for Barcelona, ​​Spain. - The difference between Hassan II and Mohammed VI is that Mohammed VI does things in the 21st century way. Hassan II did it in the 20th century way, that is to say brutally. That means assassinations, deaths... Mohammed VI, it's more transparent, it means: "Instead of sequestering

you , I am going to order my courts to sentence you not to exercise, as in my case, for 10 years the profession of journalist, for Morocco, it is completely legal It was a court which banned me from practicing the profession of journalist from 2005 to 2015. In Morocco, on the subject. of the king and his entourage, independence and journalism are incompatible And foreign journalists who investigate the morals of the kingdom are not welcome either. In an attempt to abort publications deemed too critical, anything is allowed. In 1990, Gilles Perrault finished writing his powerful book:

"Our friend the king", on the excesses of the regime of Hassan II, the father of Mohammed VI. Just before the release of the work, Hassan II took over. the initiative. - He sent his Minister of the Interior, Basri, to Paris, who went to see our Minister of the Interior who was at the time Pierre Joxe, and he told him: "We are informed that a book is going to be published, which will greatly harm good relations between Morocco and France. This book must not be published. That would be very damaging. But of course, we are ready

to compensate both the publisher and the author. So Pierre Joxe said: "Gallimard is the publisher, he is a pillar of French publishing. I would be surprised if it worked. As for Perrault, I know him, he has a very bad temper. I advise you not to go see him, it will inevitably go badly." So much so that the attempt stopped there. Gilles Perrault refused the proposal from the Rabat regime. In Paris, another money story took place. much ink has been spilled. That of French journalists Eric Laurent and Catherine Graciet In August 2015, while they were writing

a book that they announced would be shocking and very critical on the Moroccan royal family. journalists are arrested in the corridors of a luxury hotel in Paris They have just signed this financial agreement with a lawyer of His Majesty the King of Morocco against the definitive cessation of any investigation in this country. “By this text, we declare that we will no longer write anything about the Kingdom of Morocco, and will never again express ourselves publicly on this country. In return for the payment of the sum of 2 million euros. We confirm that we have received

an advance of €80,000 to date. The Moroccans who had alerted the French police that day, accuse the journalists of having wanted to blackmail the King of Morocco, to extract the 2 million euros from him. Immediately indicted, Eric Laurent and Catherine Graciet assert, on the contrary, that the Rabat regime is behind the financial proposal to buy their silence. At the bar of this hotel, the two journalists, in any case, gave in to the lure of money and discredited all their work. - Anyway, blackmail... Who took the initiative? Justice will say so, but it is secondary! What

is already established is that they agreed to allow themselves to be bought. And it's done ! The damage is done... Until this episode, the two journalists were recognized specialists on Morocco. In 2012, their previous book, "The Predatory King", denounced Mohammed VI's control over his country's economy. This incriminating investigation was not the subject of any legal proceedings by the Kingdom of Morocco. This is why we asked Catherine Graciet to be a consultant on our documentary. She accepted our proposal, and opened her address book to us. We offer her an interview to understand, she who criticized the

Moroccan regime so harshly. - At one point, yes, I wanted the money and I fully assume it, and I have no problem with that, assuming it. You don't say to yourself: I'm a journalist, it's my life... I'm in the process of erasing 10 years of career with the stroke of a pen."? - But maybe I'm tired of investigating Morocco. Maybe I no longer believe in investigating Morocco at this point. Maybe I'm saying to myself: We made "The Predatory King", we took immense legal risks. But what has changed? I see in the press every day that

it is even more predatory, that these companies are winning even more contracts, are even more present. She says . having gone to the meeting with the Moroccan lawyer, simply to take stock of the financial proposal, for a moment, at the Raphaël hotel, she sees herself rich - I had 20 minutes. This is about the time I estimate where I faltered in a human way, because I saw myself with money, much more money than I could earn in a long time. - You don't say to yourself: "It's dishonest, I won't be able to face myself"? -

Yes, of course ! Yes, I tell myself that it's pathetic and it is, it's pathetic, but I have the impression that I'm committing an ethical mistake. I tell myself that this is really not good. But in fact, I am negotiating a private agreement for myself... To win the day, the Moroccan lawyer even offers a cash advance. - It arrives with 2 envelopes in a bag. He stuffs mine in the bag. He was stressed, he said to me: “Your bag, your bag?” I tell him: “He’s here.” Then he helps me put it in. Eric Laurent takes

his envelope in his hand. I found it strange, but hey... - What does €40,000 represent? - An A4 envelope not even filled... The two journalists took the money, purely selfishly, without worrying about the consequences of their actions. Because the big winner of this episode is the Moroccan regime. The regime says: "You see these French people who come to lecture us, they receive money, we buy them with an envelope full of notes... Small denominations." It's miserable... That is to say that the French word, French journalism is devalued. It was, it is devalued. We lose all credibility

for a while. Since Mohammed VI reigned over the country, the progressive has transformed into an assertive authoritarian monarch. The King of Morocco is the supreme leader of the armies, and today, as yesterday under Hassan II, the army remains the main pillar of the regime. - The army in Morocco costs, according to CIA estimates, 5.1% of GDP. 5.1% of GDP when the world average is 1.9. This means that we have a Morocco system, in which the army costs 3.2 points of GDP more than what it would have cost in a normal country. Close ties between the

army and the palace date from the early 1970s, when Hassan II survived two military coups. The two coup attempts failed, but as Hassan II no longer had confidence in his generals, he made them a proposal. - Following this coup d'état, the king had gathered most of his officers. He explicitly told them: “Make money and forget politics.” The deal between King Hassan II and his generals was simple: “Get rich and leave me alone.” This formal corruption pact to protect the monarchy will generate numerous abuses. Mohammed VI wants to be a reforming king, but in the army,

he is not going to do anything to change things. The story of Mustapha Adib, a former Moroccan air force officer, is emblematic. In 1999, Captain Adib discovered that within his military base, in the Sahara desert, one of the high-ranking officers was diverting fuel in full view of everyone. - He sold this fuel to ordinary service stations. A tanker truck costs €5,000. We could sell one every day, it's not a lot of money, but for a small site of which Morocco has thousands, it's not hundreds, but thousands of sites like this. So €5,000 per day, I'm

only talking about fuel, it reaches millions of euros per day, which go into the pockets of great officers of the Moroccan army, to buy their silence, so that they can always support the diet as it is. Mustapha Adib takes his pen. He denounces what he saw. The officer he accused was immediately thrown in prison, then brought before a military tribunal. - Right after, I was punished myself for... Participation in the diversion of fuel. I had 45 days off work. It was the king himself, by his own hand, Mohammed VI, who signed this document. Abusive transfers,

without functions. I who always had great jobs, beautiful offices, lots of soldiers, lots of officers, engineers under my responsibility, I went from all that to nothing, not even a chair, not even a desk. In the Moroccan army today, corruption has taken several faces. Some senior executives no longer have any limits. They are outright privatizing the soldiers of their regiment for their personal needs. Assigned in the early 2000s to a barracks in Casablanca, Abderrahim Mernissi was a simple soldier in the army. - After a year in the army, the head of the barracks assigned me as

an orderly in his own house. I was under the orders of his wife. She asked me to do household chores. I even took care of his turtle. I had no say. I had to carry out orders. When Private Mernissi refused to carry out orders, he was imprisoned for 6 months. Brought before a military tribunal, he was then accused of violence against his superior, then indicted for theft and treason before finally being excluded from the army. - I wrote to the king because military officials report directly to his authority. It's written in the Constitution. The king

is the supreme leader of the armies, and if the king makes a decision, no one can challenge it. Judgments and laws are promulgated in his name. In fact, under the authority of the king, there are only executives. The Moroccan monarchy owes its authority and power to the loyalty of its generals. But today, corruption is not confined to the military alone. It would have corrupted many other bodies of civil servants. - Today in Morocco, corruption has been institutionalized. Morally, people no longer have this ethic of saying: “This must be done” or “this must not be done”.

- An example that everyone knows is that in Moroccan public schools, it is common for teachers and professors to require their students to attend additional paid lessons, at the school itself. The additional course is taught by the teacher himself. And it is known that those who are recalcitrant to the invitation to take additional courses often have difficulty obtaining good grades and moving to the next class. This is what I call a form of privatization of public education in Morocco. I don't think at all that in high places and in the palace, the king is delighted

with this situation. But the courage to confront all these lobbies has often been lacking until now. Lack of courage or desire to remain in the status quo? Because it is towards business that the king and his men are entirely turned. After investing in the new sectors of banking or mobile telephony, they will make the royal holding company even more profitable. Since the time of Hassan II, many large French companies have occupied advantageous positions on the Moroccan market. At the start of the reign of Mohammed VI, the Auchan group, for example, was associated with the royal

holding company in the Marjane and Acima hypermarket chains. Under the leadership of Marjane and Acima, the French and Moroccans have exactly the same number of representatives, and therefore the same power. The king's men will change this agreement. In March 2006, the royal holding company arbitrarily took, against the advice of Auchan, an absolute majority in the management of Marjane and Acima. The royal holding company effectively becomes the sole decision-maker. So in 2007, after protesting in vain, the Auchan group decided to leave Morocco. The royal holding company immediately bought all the shares in the Marjane and Acima

brands. - The way in which the Moroccan co-shareholder won his case was a bit brutal, because we forced the French co-shareholder to give up his shares. And that’s what was badly experienced. - The risk you have in associating yourself with a partner who can act outside the law, outside transparency, outside the rules, outside conventions, is that you never have certainty about tomorrow. At the time, to explain their approach, the king's men claimed to want to "Moroccanize" the economy of their country, in other words to take their destiny in hand. This is what people close to

the king explained to the French banker Jean Peyrelevade. With his bank, he worked as an advisor to the royal holding company. There was a desire to defend Moroccan interests. Once again, the French, like many foreigners, tend to behave as if they are on conquered territory. - Was this the case with Auchan? - In any case, this was the accusation that was made against Auchan. And I was able to verify in the case of Danone, that we were not very far from this situation. In 2006, Danone became associated with the royal holding company, in the Moroccan

company “Centrale Laitière”. The king's men will demand to obtain a majority, as they had done previously with Auchan. - I went to see Franck Riboud on a personal basis because I knew him well. The boss of Danone, because I had friendly relations with him, and I told him: "Franck, don't break everything. Enter into negotiations. Enter into negotiations." Because he thought and emphasized it a little too much too often, that the Moroccan dairy industry could not live without Danone. As the people at Auchan probably thought, Moroccan mass distribution could not live without Auchan. The royal holding

company's business is flourishing. In 2009, the prestigious American magazine Forbes ranked the King of Morocco 7th among the richest monarchs on the planet, with 2.5 billion dollars. In this ranking, Mohammed VI is even ahead of the Emir of Qatar. - The king's fortune continues to increase. But in a way, I'm happy that the SNI is doing good business, if the king benefits in passing, that's... In my eyes, it doesn't matter, that's not the important thing. - What is important? - The development of Morocco. But is the country developing as much as the finances of its

sovereign? While the king's fortune has doubled in 5 years, Morocco ranks 126th in the world in terms of development, and more than 20% of the Moroccan population still lives below the poverty line, with less than $2 per month. day. Today more than yesterday, Mohammed VI therefore deserves his self-proclaimed title, King of the poor. - A third of the Moroccan population, 10 million people are illiterate. Illiterate, that is to say who cannot read or write. And you think it's good? But what does that mean? You have to get out of the palm groves, you have to

get out of the luxury restaurants, you have to get out of the palaces and go take a look. Just in Marrakech, in the medina of Marrakech or in the region, and you will see another Morocco. - The people want the fall of the government! When revolutionary movements broke out in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011, this other Morocco took to the streets to launch the Moroccan Arab Spring. - Like any revolution, these are social demands. The right to education, the right to fair justice, the end of corruption, the end of impunity. The February 20 movement, which

leads the Moroccan revolutionary attempt, demands both more democracy and an end to corruption. - The people want an end to corruption! - The February 20 movement generally denounced the abuses. The excesses of the system, the collusion between certain political interests and economic interests. The businessism of the political class. Royal business is at the center of popular demands. - Don't steal my country! The royal holding company, symbol of this profiteering drift, is represented in the demonstrations by a tentacled octopus. On the banners, Mounir Majidi, the king's chief financier, is directly blamed. But while in Tunisia and

Egypt, the regimes collapse and the dictators are overthrown, in Morocco, the king will let go. 3 weeks after the start of the demonstrations, Mohammed VI cleverly announced a change of constitution. He wants to give pledges. - From now on, Parliament will be the result of free and independent elections, and will play a fundamental role. In the new Constitution, there will also be many advances, and we will ensure that these advances are implemented. - No one wants to be considered by history as the last of their lineage. This is what pushes monarchs not to go too

far in all excesses, whether they are business-minded or authoritarian. And this is what makes the difference in my eyes between a Mohammed VI and a Ben Ali. Ben Ali knew very well that he had no hope of passing on the Tunisian Republic to his son, and it was normal in this case for him to line his pockets greedily, and in an absolutely shocking way. Apparently, the new Constitution has reduced the power of the sovereign. In this text, the “sacredness” of the king’s person has disappeared. But the word “inviolability” remains written in black and white. The

reform is ultimately only an announcement effect, because the sovereign retains all powers. Once the revolutionary wave of February 2011 has passed, it appears in Morocco that nothing is changing. - By revising the Constitution, he only created an illusion. The Constitution today is more dictatorial than the Constitution which preceded it. In Morocco, the supreme representative of the nation is the king. It is written explicitly in the Constitution. It is also explicitly written that the supreme arbiter of the nation is also the king. So what is justice for? What is the point of the Constitutional Council, if

the supreme arbiter, that means above any other authority, is the king? It is explicit in the Constitution. As a result, it's a constitution that he himself wrote, he chose to be everywhere, and well, he just has to assume his responsibilities. Moulay Hicham, the king's first cousin, believes that the Moroccan monarchy remains exposed to new turbulence. - The regime believes that all this is behind it now. The wave is behind. Maybe this wave is behind, but another wave will come. And when we see the new wave, inevitably, it will have its genesis in this wave of

February 20. On the business side, the Palace had announced with great communication, a disengagement of the royal holding company from the Moroccan economy. But in fact, royal affairs have been reoriented towards new, more promising sectors, such as renewable energies. An activity subsidized by the international community, for which Nareva the royal company hopes for a bright future. In reality, the profits of the royal holding company have never stopped increasing. - The 2013 turnover of SNI was more than 6 billion euros, which constitutes for this single company, 6.5% of Morocco's GDP... The royal holding company alone. And

again, it does not include all the royal societies. There are some who are outside the SNI. Well, the figures we know are those from the SNI and that's not bad. It's more than 6 billion euros, that's 6.5% of GDP. And the SNI is 60% controlled by the king and his family. Mohammed VI refines his image as a modern and tolerant sovereign. But what do we really know about the state of public freedoms in the Kingdom? In Paris, for many political leaders, the sovereign is a historic and privileged partner, as was his father Hassan II before

him. There are economic issues. The 55,000 French people who work in Morocco, and the multiple companies established in the country. Successive French powers have always been able to preserve this strategic relationship, whatever the trials and crises they have encountered over time. - Yes, the past unites us. France has confidence in Morocco. In Paris, the Moroccan regime has many loyal supporters, such as the president of the Arab World Institute, who has devoted a major exhibition to Moroccan culture. Jack Lang cheerfully agrees to answer questions about his friend the King of Morocco. - He is an enlightened

monarch. He is a king of the 21st century. He is a king passionate about art and culture. He is an attentive king. He is a king eager to develop his country. He is a king who loves France. There is... I don't know what you wanted to tell me anymore... He is a monarch, yes, it's a monarchy, that's clear. When in February 2015, François Hollande received Mohammed VI at the Élysée, the handshake was hardly cordial. The France-Morocco relationship has just experienced one of the worst crises in its history. For an entire year, the chancelleries of the

two countries hardly spoke to each other. The one who started the quarrel was Zakaria Moumni, a Moroccan sportsman who was world champion in Thai boxing in 1999. Zakaria Moumni is disturbing in Morocco. He has repeatedly denounced corruption within the Thai Boxing Federation. He has become the regime’s bete noire. So, when he asked for the position of sports advisor, to which his title of world champion automatically entitled him, Zakaria Moumni was rejected by the Moroccan authorities. The situation will deteriorate until it becomes open conflict. One day in 2010, while returning to Morocco, he was arrested by

police at Rabat airport. He will be sequestered in a detention center. - They started hitting me, beating me up. Direct shots to the face, electrocuted. Afterwards, I was put on the ground. They put an iron bar under my ankles and tied it up. There was an executioner on each side who lifted, the others held me on the chest, and the others hit me with iron bars and cables. It lasted 4 days. I was deprived of sleep, deprived of food, deprived of water... And when they poured water on me, that's where I grabbed a few drops

to drink. I was constantly told that this is Her Majesty's slaughterhouse, that here, we are going to cut you up, we are going to make minced meat of you, and you will come out in cans. And at that moment, with rage, I took off the blindfold from my eyes. And there, I see in front of me the director of the Moroccan DGST, Abdellatif Hammouchi, who was in the room. He saw me and ran out of the room. They said to me: “Who did you see?” I said, “I didn’t see anyone.” Abdellatif Hammouchi, head of Moroccan

intelligence, is a man esteemed by the king. In Rabat, he plays a key role in the fight against Islamic terrorism. For the balance of his regime, Mohammed VI needs an Abdellatif Hammouchi. In 2014, Zakaria Moumni will file a complaint against Hammouchi. But he will file his complaint in France. He does not have confidence in the justice of his country. To ensure his defense, Moumni had no trouble convincing Patrick Baudouin, honorary president of the International Federation for Human Rights. - There are certificates, attestations which show the troubles which remain, from this terrible period of the 4

days which he spent in Témara, tortured. I am truly convinced that it was, and even more convinced that this is not a unique case. It is a practice which remains quite widespread in Morocco, even if it is less common, less violent, less systematic than it was during the time of Hassan II. This is what Morocco is playing on to say: “You see, things are better at home. We have made progress.” The Paris prosecutor's office will speed up the procedure. And in February 2014, while Abdellatif Hammouchi was on a private visit, at the residence of the

Moroccan ambassador in Paris, the investigating judge sent police officers to give him a court summons. Shocked by the treatment reserved for his trusted man, the king will create a diplomatic incident and break off judicial cooperation with France. - A judge surrounded by police officers goes to the private residence of the ambassador. There was no urgency and above all, it was in defiance of diplomatic codes and rules. It is an attack on the very sovereignty of the country. And I understand that our Moroccan friends were hurt and offended. So then, we had to find a solution

to repair it. In February 2015, Bernard Cazeneuve, French Minister of the Interior, visiting Rabat, made a surprising gesture towards the regime. - France had already had the opportunity to distinguish Mr. Hammouchi in 2011, by awarding him the title of Knight of the Order of the Legion of Honor. She will soon show her esteem to him again, this time by presenting him with the insignia of officer of the Legion of Honor. - The most basic prudence, decency would have commanded, not to make this strong symbolic gesture, consisting of promoting him since he was already a knight,

to the rank of officer of the Legion of Honor, which must be reserved for preferably irreproachable people. Abdellatif Hammouchi has always denied the facts alleged by Zakaria Moumni. In its latest report, Amnesty International denounces 173 cases of torture in Morocco between 2010 and 2014. Like Zakaria Moumni, several other alleged victims have filed complaints in France. - The acts of torture that we are talking about have not been proven today. - Those whose complaints we are talking about...? The complaints we're talking about? - They are under instruction. - And for you ? - But not for

me, I wasn't a witness! Listen, frankly, I'm a lawyer, I'm a law professor. I base this on facts. If there are acts of torture, let them be repressed, let them be condemned. But don't ask me to transform myself into Sherlock Holmes, an investigator, a journalist. Today even more than yesterday, to fight against Islamist terrorism, France needs Morocco, Abdellatif Hammouchi and his powerful networks. Information from the Moroccan secret services, for example, would have put French investigators on the trail of the alleged organizer of the attacks of November 13, 2015 in Paris. On November 20, 2015, François

Hollande officially thanks His Majesty Mohammed VI. - Of course there is terrorism and of course we have to fight against terrorism, obviously! But all the same, we cannot let anything happen in the name of this struggle. The corruption that reigns in Morocco, this spectacle of the rich who are always richer, while the poor are always poorer. But this gives the Islamists something to grind for. Because it disgusts people. During the first 16 years of his reign, Mohammed VI modernized his country, but he also and above all developed his business and his personal fortune. It is

now estimated by the American magazine Forbes at $5.7 billion. Despite the constitutional reform of 2011, the Moroccan monarchy continues to accumulate all powers without sharing. - My personal convictions are that I believe in a parliamentary monarchy, I believe in a parliamentary monarchy because I believe that the only way that we can marry heredity and democracy is with a parliamentary monarchy. But it is a matter of conviction. - Morocco must democratize, and we do not need to remove the monarchy for it to democratize. The monarchy has a historical and symbolic weight in Morocco which is not

negligible, and I think that we must keep this symbol because it is a strong symbol which unites Moroccans, and I think it's important to preserve this symbol. It should not be more than a symbol. I just read: "The Hound of the Baskervilles", and now I'm reading "The War of the Buttons". - Mr President, there you go! - Majesty! - Perfect ! - His Highness, thank you!