Incontáveis. Episódio 6: Povos indígenas na ditadura

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Fórum de Ciência e Cultura da UFRJ
“Povos Indígenas na ditadura” é o sexto episódio da série Incontáveis, uma série que conta histórias...
Video Transcript:
What do we remember when we hear about a "military dictatorship"? In Brazil, we know those were times of repression and torture. And many were the marches and protests.
Some even remember that there was a "National Truth Commission". But in general, many Brazilians don't know anything but the names of important characters of the period. Lately, there have been people saying that the dictatorship wasn't that bad.
Even calling it a "dicta-soft". And there's something even worse. There are people who celebrate what happened and regret because a greater number of people didn't die.
Anyway, many stories have been told about that time. But how many stories are yet to be told? "UNCOUNTABLES" Indigenous peoples in the dictatorship Since colonial times, the indigenous peoples of Brazil were targets of massacres and epidemics.
To ensure the exploitation of the land, entire populations were decimated. And with them, their natures and cultures. From the 1910s onwards, with the creation of the "Protection Service of the Indigenous Peoples" the indigenous population came to be under the tutelage of the Brazilian State.
With that, however, the Indians were treated as incapable and not as full citizens. In the mid-twentieth century, anthropologists and sertanists strove to create indigenous reserves. This did not prevent the continuity of the colonization of their lands.
"The Amazon is a challenge that Brazil is overcoming". In the military dictatorship, in the name of Development and National Security, the mere existence of these peoples represented an obstacle for the interests of businessmen, bankers, landowners and state agents. In 1967, FUNAI was created, under the justification of improving the work of the Protection Service.
In practice, however, the agency began to act with the superintendencies to pacify the supposedly "aloof" Indians, and to finally accelerate their integration into the national society. By issuing negative certificates, FUNAI attested to the absence of Indians in certain territories. With that, it made possible its occupation by industries, such as mining, logging and farming.
This is what happened in the Guaporé Valley, inhabited by the Nambikwara people. In the early 70's, the entire valley was taken over by livestock. Those who did not die from diseases were attacked by the farmers.
The National Integration Plan encouraged the construction of roads, occupying the lands of uncontacted indigenous peoples, or in intermittent contact. "Transmazazônica: the work of the definitive conquest of one of the richest regions in the world. Without rest, men and machines fight the jungle, the weather, to give to Brazil its biggest road project.
But the effort and victory will be amply rewarded. " The Transamazonica affected the territory of 29 peoples. Among them were the Parakanã.
They were transferred five times from their lands. Many died from disease and conflicts with ancient enemy peoples. The Araweté lost 36% of their original population.
During the opening of the Cuiabá-Santarém highway, the forced removal of the Panará to the Xingu National Park caused the death of 66% of their population. "After the whites came into our land, Claudio Villas Boas talked to us. "You are going to leave here and live in the Xingu.
There are plenty of people there", he said. BUt I always said the land there was different from the our ancestor's land". The construction of the "Perimetral Norte" Highway affected 52 different peoples.
The discovery of gold in the region attracted miners to Yanomami land. The invasion of the territory killed 50% of the population that lived around the Catrimani River. One of the most violent massacres by the military occurred during the construction of the highway that connects Manaus to Boa Vista, crossing the Waimiri Atroari territory.
The survivors report planes dropping poison and bombs on villages. The Amazon Truth Committee estimates that were more than 2000 indigenous dead. The construction of hydroelectric plants in the Amazon caused the flooding of forests, the expulsion of peoples and a repetition of the violences by the action and omission of state agents.
During these works, foreign companies were installed, in contradiction with the nationalist discourse of the military. These undertakings were always accompanied by invaders: land grabbers, squatters and prospectors. The rivers were polluted with mercury; the hunting was driven away by the noise.
In the forests, hunger and malnutrition were caused. Violence also took place in detention and torture centers. Indigenous people were tortured on their own indigenous lands by military police.
Considered “offenders”, the indigenous people were framed for contempt of authority, vagrancy, consumption of alcohol and pederasty. FUNAI also supported the creation of the Rural Indigenous Guard, who recruited Indians from the five regions of the country to act as a police force in their own territories. "They began to have the idea of recruiting Indians themselves, to carry out surveillance, the militarization of their own relatives.
So they trained the Indians in military schemes of repression, punishment, confinement". During the Araguaia Guerrilla, the military used the Aikewara as guides, turning their villages into prisoner-of-war camps. "So, we were starving.
We wanted to get things in the countryside but they wouldn't let us, I had to go with them. We were shooting all the time. I was pregnant, I started to get bad, then I ended up losing my children right there in the woods".
If the history of Brazil is the history of indigenous extermination, it is also true that there has always been resistance. Sertanists, anthropologists and missionaries denounced crimes against indigenous populations. But the trigger for the mobilization of civil society It was the beginning of a more aggressive indigenous policy and the intensification of violations after AI-5.
That's when public opinion charged the military for responses to the denunciations of the indigenous genocide underway. "I formally deny this accusation against Brazil. We never practiced genocide here.
I don't even know how that word came to be used. " In 1973, the military carried out a draft amendment to the Indian Statute to accelerate emancipation. The Indian would thus gain the rights and duties as a Brazilian, but he would lose the rights to his land.
This project triggered a great mobilization. The Unified Indigenous Movement emerged from assemblies organized with the support of the Indigenous Missionary Council. It stood out for his interethnic solidarity, including even non-indigenous people.
In 1980, the Union of Indigenous Nations was founded. It was the first organization managed exclusively by Indians. Monitoring, threats and killings of indigenous leaders were recurrent.
Despite the persecutions, exponents of the indigenous struggle were projected through the institutional path. This mobilization was fundamental to ensure, in the Constitution of 1988, rights to land and indigenous “forms of organization”. It was, therefore, only in democracy that the guardianship regime ended.
But to this day the native peoples of the forests were not repaired by the countless violences of the State, committed in the past and present. "In November 5th, 2015, one of the greatest ambiental crimes of Brazilian history occurred. The disruption of the dam of Fundão, of Samarco Mining Company, controled by VALE/A e BH Billiton, victimized 19 people and destructred with toxid mud the Rio Doce Bay, in the municipality of Mariana, Minas Gerais.
"The river, it was part of the people's daily life. Fishing, hunting. Feeding, getting water, practicing rituals of baptism, healing, rites of passage.
There are indigenous people dying in the community, old people with very serious depression problems, every week is a different problem. So we don't even know what to do. Because the people have nothing left, it's all over.
No more life expectancy. And here we come to denounce this. To see how our State can respect the human right of the indigenous people.
I think it's not even Krenak's right to be able to perform his rituals. It's Krenak's human right to drink water". This is me, Douglas Krenak.
I wasn't even born when they exiled my people of our sacred territory during the military dictatorship. My grandfather, my relatives, my great-uncles who resisted removal were tied up, chased away and taken by force to Carmesia. My father was arrested as a child together with my grandfather in the "reformatory", because he did not want to go to the white man's school.
My grandfather thought he was going to return to our homeland, to our Rio Doce, "Watu". But he couldn't see that. He eventually fell ill and died of grief in exile.
We hope that the Brazilian government will be tried for the crimes of past and present, like this one of Mariana, and we hope it will bring response to our community. Our people have struggled for many years to be able to demarcate our sacred territory known as the Seven Halls. It is a struggle that crosses generations.
To say that our people cannot be amnestied because we live in the collective is a very serious mistake. Other peoples besides white people suffered from military repression. To deny this is to go back to having the naked and raw dictatorship.
Because my people still live in it. Reparation for us is to demarcate our territory.
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