The Man America Fears The Most - Ibrahim Traore

There's a revolution happening in this region of Africa between August 2020 and July 2023. The quartet of Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso and Niger all saw their respective governments, overthrown by men in uniform, hoping to bring some positive change to their countries. These coups led to Western powers getting kicked out of the African continent in an embarrassing fashion.

What followed next was the creation of an alliance that has since been the source of trouble to Western leaders, especially when it comes to this tiny landlocked country known as Burkina Faso. And the man behind all these sleepless nights for the West is this guy, Captain Ibrahim Traore. He is loved by young people all over the continent of Africa.

Since coming into power, he has made strides to pull his people out of poverty and cut dependance on foreign aid. But his journey has not been without challenges. Yeah, The US seems to be pretty mad at him.

And there have been reports of 18 assassination attempts on his life since becoming the leader of this small West African country. The question though is, how did a little known soldier become one of the most feared African leaders of the 21st century, So much so that powerful forces are scrambling to take him out? This is the story of Ibrahim Traore, the man the West fears the most.

These are scenes from recent protests across the continent of Africa and even in Europe. People coming out in their thousands to protest against assassination attempts on the life of Ibrahim Traore. But to understand this revolution, taking Africa by storm and why it means so much at home and abroad, we need to go back in history to a time when this country was known as the Republic of Upper Volta.

The year is 1960, A wave of freedom movement is spreading across Africa. The Republic of Upper Volta is among the African countries declaring independence as it gains its freedom from France. The French had violently oppressed the region in the late 19th century.

However, by the time World War II came to an end, the French were placed under increasing pressure to give up their colonial possessions. When the freedom movement got to open Volta, the people could not contain their joy. Freedom at last.

So it’s the late 1960s. Maurice Yaméogo becomes the first president of Upper Volta, and he immediately sets out to create real change for his people. But part of the way he does this is by making sure no one is able to oppose his rule.

To consolidate his powers. Yaméogo establishes a one party state under the voltaic Democratic Union. His administration continues to rely on France, with numerous French advisors holding key decision roles in the military and the civil administration.

This neo-colonial relationship is criticized by his people, but Yaméogo turns a deaf ear to their complaints. Instead, his rule becomes increasingly autocratic. He begins to jail critics and consolidate power by appointing his relatives to key positions within the government.

In the years that follows, he embarks on lavish spending despite widespread poverty. However, his austerity measures and authoritarian style soon spark public discontent. By late 1965, nationwide strikes and demonstrations by unions erupt over wage cuts and the end of subsidies for traditional chiefs.

The government becomes unstable. Yaméogo declares a state of emergency, but mass protests persist all over the country, reflecting the people's frustration with economic hardships. Under his one party rule.

Amidst this chaos, the military steps in. On January 3rd, 1966. The army led by Lieutenant Col.

Sangoulé Lamizana, seizes power, forcing President Yaméogo to resign. The former president is then placed under house arrest as Lamizana assumes the presidency on January 7th, 1966. The new regime, wastes no time suspending the constitution and dissolving the National Assembly.

This military intervention, the first of many in Burkina Faso's post-colonial history, is initially welcomed by citizens tired of Yaméogo’s rule. And so with the people solidly behind him, Lamizana slowly begins to establish his idea and rebuild the country in his own image. As one of his first major acts as president, he decides to establish the country's first military academy in Ouagadougou.

This new institution, designed to mold the next generation of military leaders, offers a unique opportunity to three students from the most recent group of secondary school graduates who would be selected to join the Academy with full scholarships. Among those who make the cut is Thomas Sankara. He will be relevant to our story much later.

The late 1960s and 70s continues to witness tensions in the country's political climate. The people soon realize that Lamizana is no different from Yaméogo. The president starts to consolidate power, ruling with a military heavy regime.

Political parties activities banned in 1966 as he tries to stabilize the country. However, recognizing the need for civilian legitimacy, Lamizana drafts a new constitution that is approved by referendum in 1970, paving the way for a second Republic. At the military Academy, Thomas Sankara makes an unlikely friend, Adama Touré, a history and geography instructor known for his progressive ideas.

Recognizing Sankara’s intellectual curiosity and political inclination Touré invite him and a few other promising students to participate in informal discussions outside the classroom. In these secretive gatherings, Touré introduces Sankara to revolutionary ideas that would profoundly influence his worldview. Among the topics Sankara found interesting, where the global struggle against imperialism, neo colonialism, and the Soviet and Chinese revolutions, and the ongoing liberation movements happening across Africa.

As he concludes his military training, Thomas decides to embark on an advanced program, one that will take him away from upper volta for a few years. Those years would become the most important years of his life. With so much going on right now, I think it becomes increasingly important for more people to come out and express their ideas, thoughts and opinions without feeling anxious or having any fear of judgment.

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Back in Ouagadougou, The government is still divided on several issues. In December 1970, parliamentary elections are held and a civilian Prime Minister is appointed, indicating a possible return to civilian rule. However, these steps fails to stop Lamizana from retaining ultimate authority as tensions continues to grow between the military and the revived political class over power sharing.

But political crisis is not the only trouble plaguing Upper Volta. It is now 1973, the Sahel final falls victim to severe drought that wrecks the economy of Upper Volta, further making life difficult for the people. Lamizana’s experiment with limited democracy continues to falter amid the economic strain and political infighting that follows.

On February 8th, 1974, he dismisses the civilian government, dissolved the National Assembly, and again suspends the 1970 constitution he had drafted a few years ago. At this point, he looks to consolidate his power even further. He appoints himself as prime minister and rules by decree, arguing that tough measures are needed to tackle the economic crisis and maintain unity.

But this return to full military rule didn't last long. Facing pressure from a restless population and international donors, Lamizana agrees to resume the democratic transition. He lifts the ban on political parties in 1977 and arranges a new constitution that legalizes multiparty politics, approved overwhelmingly by referendum.

One year passes and it is now May 1978. Free elections are organized Lamizana himself runs for president, and wins reelection. This marks the Third Republic and a brief period of civilian rule under a military leader.

Yet economic difficulties, including rising debt and unemployment and factional disputes within the ruling elite persist, setting the stage for further turmoil. You see, while the government of Lamizana struggled to hold the country together as it moved from one scandal to another, caring so little for the people, Thomas Sankara was through with his military training in Madagascar and was now back in Upper Volta. His return would change everything.

When Sankara returned to upper volta in October 1973, he was brimming with ideas on how the military could be a force for national development. As a second lieutenant, Sankara received several assignments. First was to train recruits in Bobo-Dioulasso.

A job he did so well, combining traditional military drills with civic education that he began to attract attention within the military hierarchy. He would later be transferred to Ouagadougou in March 1974, where he was assigned to the Army's engineering corps. Another position he used to show his skills and zeal to build a better country for the ordinary people.

Soon enough, Sankara began to use his military position for social change, but the unpopular government of Lamizana soon came under intense pressure, and then the coup of 1980 happened. After 14 years in power, the military had grown tired of this man and it decided to intervene yet again. Colonels Saye Zerbo and Gabriel Somé led a junta known as the Military Committee of Recovery for National Progress that took power on November 25th, 1980.

Zerbo abolished the 1977 constitution, dissolved the parliament, and banned political parties, bringing back strict military rule. He promised to fight corruption and instill discipline within the state. However, his government failed to convince the people.

It faced dissent within the army and civilians for failing to improve the economy or establish credible civilian partnerships. Although initially refusing a ministerial position, Sankara reluctantly agreed to become the Minister of Information under Zerbo’s government. Assuming office on September 13th, 1981, Sankara immediately set himself apart from other government ministers.

He abstained from privileges of office, famously cycling to work rather than using an official car. Political and social tensions would continue to escalate in Upper Volta, as the government's promises of reform continued to falter. Instead, the regime took a hard stand against dissent, detaining outspoken student activist, suspending the right to strike and arresting union leaders.

Soon enough, factions began to form within the government. Sankara and other radical junior officers got involved in political activities, forming circles of reflection within the military and strategizing with students and union leaders. After months of trying and failing to influence the government positively, Sankara decided to resign.

It is April 12th, 1982. The young revolutionary Thomas Sankara publicly resigns his position in the government during a fiery speech at the Conference of African Ministers, with President Zebo in attendance and the event broadcast live on radio, Sankara criticizes the regime for serving the interests of the minority and delivers a powerful plea for freedom of expression. This act didn't go down well with President Zerbo and just like clockwork.

Sankara is arrested and demoted and exiled to a military camp in Dédougou. The chaos and infighting within the ruling class gets worse when rivals of Zerbo begin planning a coup. On November 7th, 1982, soldiers led by Colonel Somé Yorian, overthrows Zerbo's regime and established a new military led government.

This guy Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo becomes president. He promises to fight mismanagement and cut out waste from the government. Sankara, whose direct involvement in the coup remains unknown, finds himself in a position of power, reluctantly taking the post of prime minister.

But within months, ideological differences start a rift in the ruling class. One that will not recover from. The tipping points came in May 1983, when irreconcilable differences led to Sankara’s sudden arrest by men loyal to President Ouédraogo.

These arrest sparks immediate protests, with a large crowd demanding Sankara’s release. As tensions intensify, his supporters, sensing danger to his life, begin preparing for a decisive move. On August 4th, 1983, In a swift coup, Blaise Compaoré and Commander Jean-Baptiste Lingani, two officers with ties to Sankara, seized key positions in the capital, effectively toppling the government.

That evening, Sankara announced the dawn of a new revolutionary era. He is now the head of state at just 33. Under the National Council of the Revolution, (CNR) Thomas Sankara set out on a mission to change the fortunes of his people.

He travels across the country listening to the stories of his people and engaging with them on a possible solution to the many ills facing the nation. In August 1984, one year into his rule, Sankara renames the country from Upper Volta to Burkina Faso. He launches ambitious reforms emphasizing self-reliance and social justice.

Massive vaccination and literacy campaigns, tree planting projects to combat desertification, and initiatives to advance women's rights. Sankara’s administration also requires officials, including himself, to open their finances to public scrutiny and cut luxury perks for the elite. These radical policies win him the love and support of his people.

Soon, his influence goes beyond Burkina Faso. The country becomes known across Africa for the revolutionary leadership of Sankara. At the international front, He gives powerful speeches that resonate with other young Africans in search of honest and committed leaders for their own countries.

He is not afraid to criticize the colonial powers and challenge their policies that have kept Africa poor. This wins him lots of enemies, but it also makes him a notable figure on the global stage. However, not everyone is happy to see Sankara ride so high with so much love and affection both home and abroad.

Some traditional authorities, middle class professionals and external powers, notably France and Ivory Coast, who felt threatened by Sankara’s rhetoric and alignment with socialist states would soon start plotting against him. You see, one of the things that set Sankara apart from other past leaders of Burkina Faso is his refusal to accept foreign aid. He instead focuses his attention on what he can control.

His government spends heavily on agriculture, believing it to be the cornerstone of Burkina Faso's development. He believes that the nation's economic future depends on its ability to feed itself and improve the livelihood of its population. This bet pays off.

His agricultural revolution leads to a 75% increase in cereal production between 1983 and 1986, but it is on the international stage that Sankara really threatens former colonial powers. He is wary of foreign aid that comes with strings attached and consistently refuses to seek assistance from the International Monetary Fund, fearing that its conditions would undermine his revolutionary goals. Sankara’s foreign policy was also characterized by a strong commitment to Pan-Africanism.

This stance earns Burkina Faso respect and new allies, but it also generates tensions with Western powers and conservative African governments, especially those with close ties to France. Amongst them are Mali, Togo and Cote d'Ivoire. As Sankara’s revolution deepens, divisions emerged within the ruling CNR.

Soon enough, foreign powers are able to influence his close allies like Blaise Compaoré. Sankara, who had once trusted Compaoré. is now increasingly alienated by his former friend's growing wealth and ambitions.

Soon enough, with international support from Cote d'Ivoire, France, Libya and even the United States, Compaoré cultivates a loyal cadre of commandos that would strike the final blow to the revolution he had started with his friend. On October 15th, 1987. Blaise Compaoré stages a coup d'etat against his former friend, citing deviations in the revolution and alleging that Sankara was jeopardizing foreign relations.

During a bloody takeover President Sankara, and at least 12 members of his close council are brutally murdered in cold blood, marking a tragic end to the revolution. In the days following Sankara assassination, thousands of Burkinabè wept at his gravesite. The coup shocked Africa.

Sankara, the continent's outspoken anti-imperialist voice, is silenced and the circumstances of his killing and potentially foreign involvement remain contentious for decades. Subsequently, many of Sankara’s former comrades who refused to support the new regime are hunted down like dogs. Some are detained, beaten, or forced into exile.

However, five months after the assassination of Thomas Sankara, another revolutionary was born. Born on the 14th of March 1988, in the village of Kéra, in Mouhoun Province of western Burkina Faso. Ibrahim Traore grew up in a modest rural family, but they were not in any way insulated from the hardship the country endured after the murder of Thomas Sankara.

The new regime, led by Compaore, abandoned all the gains that Sankara had made during his rule. He turned to social elites, bureaucrats and leaders from the old political order while also restoring relations with France and neighboring Ivory Coast. Compaoré’s government soon began cracking down on dissent.

He arrested and eliminated political rivals, just like the military leaders, before Sankara had done. And as he danced his way to Paris to secure his bag from selling out his country. He got increasingly close to the IMF.

Soon enough, he began making efforts to legitimize his regime. A new constitution establishing the fourth republic was promulgated in 1991, providing for multi-party elections. When that election eventually came around in December 1991, Compaoré won with ease as the opposition boycotted the poll, people refused to turn out for the exercise.

Throughout The 90s Compaoré’s regime maintained a tight grip on power after winning reelection in another rigged process in 1998. He implemented structural adjustment programs to the cheers of his foreign backers and encouraged foreign investment, especially in mining and agriculture. His economic policies led to layoffs and rising costs of living.

Life became more and more difficult for Burkinabe. But Campaore didn't care. By the 2000, Blaise Compaoré was already one of Africa's longest serving leaders.

But the fortunes of Burkinabe continue to go from bad to worse. In February 2008, spiraling food and fuel prices triggered riots and looting in Ouagadougou and other cities. It was during this time that Ibrahim Traore began his military career.

Having enlisted in the Burkina Faso Army in 2009, Traore underwent officer training at the Georges Namoano Military Academy in Pô. Upon graduating as a second lieutenant around 2012, He received specialized training. Traoré was sent to Morocco for antiaircraft warfare instruction before being assigned to an infantry unit in Kaya, a town in the country's volatile north.

Back in Ouagadougou, Compaoré was literally fighting for his political future. The perfect storm of grievances had erupted into unrest in 2011, posing the gravest threat yet to Compaoré’s rule. In February, students took to the streets after a high schooler, Justin Zongo, died in police custody, a case that sparked anger at police brutality.

Soon after, in March and April, soldiers mutinied in multiple barracks over unpaid housing allowances and low wages. Even shooting in the air and looting in the capital. This concurrent protest by students, civilian groups and military rank and file converged into a nationwide crisis.

By late April 2011, gunfire is heard near the presidential palace and Compaoré briefly flees Ouagadougou for his hometown as chaos reigns. Sensing the existential danger, Compaoré takes Drstic measures. He dissolved the government, and the military high command, named himself the Minister of Defense and rolled out concessions.

The government raised soldiers pay, give bonuses to civil servants, lowered food prices, and promised justice for the killed student. While the crisis was reduced by mid-year, The cracks in Compaoré’s governments were already revealed for all to see. For the first time in decades, open talk of political change filled the air.

By 2014, Blaise Compaoré had been in power for 27 years and many Burkinabè cried for change. The constitution, as amended, limits presidents to two terms, meaning Compaoré should step down in 2015. But instead his ruling party moves to remove term limits so he can run again.

This plan proves to be Compaoré’s undoing. In late October 2014, when legislators convened to pass the controversial amendment, massive protests erupt in the capital. On October 30th, tens of thousands of people led by civil society groups like Balai Citoyen that is, the Citizens Broom, stormed the parliament and set it ablaze to stop the vote.

Demonstrators also ransacked government buildings and the state TV stations, causing lots of destruction in the process. The army initially tries to restore order and Compaoré declares a state of emergency, but the protest only grew from here. Finally, on October 31st, Compaoré resigns and flees the country, compelled by the insurrection unfolding in the streets.

His dramatic fall one of the few instances in Africa where a mass uprising toppled a long ruling president, is hailed as a new dawn. Power is briefly assumed by military chief General Honoré Traoré and then by Lieutenant Colonel Isaac Isaac Zida, who declared himself head of state, saying the army will guide the transition. Despite all of these efforts, nothing really changes for the average Burkinabe.

Now a lieutenant Traore rose steadily within the military. That same year, 2014, while his country continues to battle for its future, he joins the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Mali as part of Burkina Faso's contingent in the fight against Islamic militants across the border. He served in northern Mali, where he faced heavy combat.

Four years later, in 2018, he was among the soldiers honored for their courage during major rebel attacks in the Timbuktu region. After his UN stint, Traoré returned home and took part in counter-insurgency operations against jihadist groups rampaging in Burkina Faso, North. He saw action in hotspots like Djibo and participated in the 2019 Otapuanu offensive, a large scale operation aimed at flushing out militants in the eastern part of the country.

By 2020, Ibrahim Traoré had achieved the rank of captain at the age of 32. However, along with his promotion, came growing frustration. His country was quickly falling apart before his very eyes, and there was little he could do about it.

He and other frontline officers were grappling with poor equipment and logistical support, even as they perceived senior officials in the capital engaging in corruption and enjoying comfort. To Traore, this felt like a betrayal of the troops sacrifices. stationed in the embattled North, he gradually emerged as an informal spokesman for a cohort of young officers angered by the government's ineffectiveness against the insurgency.

Back in Ouagadougou, political infighting continued to plague the government since the resignation of Compaoré in 2014. Different authorities have come and gone, all trying to stabilize the country for an election to hold. Finally, Roch Marc Christian Kaboré, a former Compaoré stalwart who broke with him and joined the opposition, is elected president.

This peaceful transfer of power is a watershed moment. Burkina Faso seems to have turned a page, entering an era of electoral democracy and civilian leadership. But the presence of Islamic terrorists meant the country were far from peaceful.

By 2021, as attacks continued across the country, public confidence in the Kaboré administration dropped dramatically. In late 2021, especially after a deadly ambush in Inata that killed 53 gendarmes, popular anger boiled over street protests and rallies erupted in Ouagadougou and other cities in November, with demonstrators denouncing the government's inability to protect citizens and some even calling for Kaboré’s resignation. In response, Kaboré shuffles the military leadership and appoints a new prime minister in December 2021, hoping that fresh faces might calm to public.

He also requests more international assistance and tries to open dialog with portions of the armed groups. However, these measures yield little immediate improvement on the ground. Within the army ranks, frustration is also mounting, Troops are wary of being outgunned and undersupplied in the face of relentless militant assaults.

This volatile mix of civilian protests and brewing dissent within the military sets the stage for the country's next crisis. On the 21st of January 2022, a group of officers led by Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, seized power in a coup ousting the elected president, Kaboré. Captain Traoré, who had been vocal about the need to change course, supported the January 2022 coup and helped bring the junta, known as the Patriotic Movement for Safeguard and Restoration, or (MPSR) to power.

In the new military regime, Traoré was appointed in March 2022 as commander of a field artillery regiment based in Kaya That is (north-central Burkina) effectively sending him back to the frontlines with greater responsibility. Over the months that followed, however, it became clear that the change of leadership was not quickly improving the security situation. Damiba’s junta struggled to curb the jihadist violence, many within the military, especially younger officers like Traoré who were fighting on the ground, grew dissatisfied with Damiba’s performance.

According to Traoré, Damiba’s ambitions were diverting away from what the military had set out to do, prompting discussions among the officers about removing him. Tensions reached a breaking point in September 2022 when insurgents ambushed a convoy in northern Burkina Faso, killing 11 soldiers and dozens of civilians. An incident that sparked outrage both in the military and among the public.

This tragedy highlighted the government's failures and pushed Traoré and his comrades to take drastic action. By late September, Captain Traoré and a small group of junior officers decided to depose Damiba in order to save the faltering war effort. On the 30th of September 2022, Captain Ibrahim Traoré launched a second coup, Burkina Faso's second military takeover in eight months.

The takeover was swift and largely bloodless. Traoré still a low ranking captain at the time, mobilized units loyal to him, reportedly including members of the elite Cobra special forces units, and seized strategic sites in the capital of Ouagadougou. Gunfire was reported around the presidential palace and national television station as the plotters moved to oust Damiba’s faction.

By the evening, Traoré appeared on television surrounded by armed soldiers, and announced the overthrow of Lieutenant Colonel Damiba’s government. On 2nd October 2022, the junta named Traoré as president of the ruling MPSR council, and less than a week later, Ibrahim Traoré was formally sworn in as Burkina Faso's transitional president at the age of 34. His next move would shock everyone, prompting powerful people trying hard to get rid of him.

From day one, Traoré sought to portray himself first and foremost as a wartime leader focused on Burkina Faso survival. He has cultivated an image of a disciplined, pragmatic military leader, often seen in his uniform and trademark red beret. He speaks infrequently in public and tightly controls his communications, which has given him a somewhat mysterious reputation domestically.

And when he does address the nation, it is usually to rally the population for the cause of defending the country. He frequently visits military outposts and discusses battlefield updates, emphasizing that regaining security is the transitional government's chief mandate. And while his critics continue to accuse the junta of cultivating propaganda, facts on the ground have shown the work Traore is doing to better the lives of his people.

Just like Thomas Sankara before him, Traore has repeatedly spoken out against imperialism and corruption in terms of personal conduct, Traore has made symbolic gestures to distinguish himself from past leaders. For example, he notably refused to enrich himself or even take a higher rank after seizing power. Unlike many coup leaders who promoted themselves to general, Traoré chose to remain a captain in the army.

He also reportedly declined his presidential salary, signaling that he did not intend to profit from his position. Such moves were meant to inspire confidence that the new regime was serious about sacrifice and anti-corruption values. And while some sections of the media will be quick to highlight the worrying security situation in Burkina Faso, restoring security has been the cornerstone of Traoré’s agenda.

You see, within weeks of assuming office, he took drastic steps to bolster the fight against jihadist insurgents. In late October 2022, Traoré’s administration announced a nationwide campaign to recruit tens of thousands of civilian volunteers into auxiliary defense units. The goal was to raise a force of 50,000 volunteers for the defense of the homeland, local fighters who would assist the army in confronting militants by mobilizing ordinary citizens to protect their own communities.

Traoré aims to supplement an overstretched national army with strength in numbers. These volunteers would undergo brief training and then operate alongside soldiers defending villages and patrolling territories that the state military struggles to cover. The massive enlistment drive, which reportedly saw an overwhelming response, even exceeding the targets shows Traoré’s commitment to an all hands on deck approach in the war against extremism.

Traoré’s also made it clear that his government's goal was to defeat the insurgency outrightly, rather than negotiate. He publicly vowed to reconquer every inch of territory occupied by rebel militants, and stated there would be no talks with jihadist groups until they were militarily weakened, to a point where they could not dictate terms. And while the war on insecurity is on, Traoré has also taken some steps aimed at economic resilience and anti-corruption.

In an effort to maximize state revenue from natural resources and possibly curb illicit financing of militancy, Traoré moved to gain greater control over the gold mining sector, which is a pillar of Burkina Faso's economy. Yeah, Burkina Faso is the 15th largest gold producer in the world. And here's a fun fact for you.

While France holds the fourth largest gold reserves in the world at 2,436 tons, It does not have any active gold mines. No wonder, then, why the French are angry at the move Traore made back in 2023. You see, in November 2023, his cabinet approved the construction of the country's first state run gold refinery to process gold domestically rather than exporting all their ore abroad.

This project is expected to create jobs and retain more value from Burkina Faso's sizable gold production. Then, in February 2024, Traoré’s government suspended the issuance of export permits for small scale gold miners. The suspension was an attempt to crack down on smuggling and illicit gold trade.

Yeah, it turns out that a lot of gold was being siphoned out of the country through informal channels, depriving the treasury of income. However, while Traoré’s administration is seeking longer term sovereignty over resources and finances, some powerful people are not happy about this. Chief amongst them are the United States and France.

Comments like these are not without consequences. Traoré has since been battling for his life, as his security forces continue to fight off assassination attempts on their President. On the international front, under Ibrahim Traoré’s leadership, Burkina Faso has undergone a significant foreign policy realignment, marked by a drift away from traditional Western partners and new alliances with neighboring states and other global powers.

One of the earliest moves was to redefine the country's strained relationship with France. Its former colonial ruler. Traoré came to power amid a wave of anti-French sentiments fueled by perceptions that France's military presence in the Sahel had not succeeded in stopping terrorism.

In January 2023. The transitional government formally requested the departure of French troops who had been stationed in Burkina Faso to assist in counter insurgency. By February 2023, all French military operations in Burkina Faso had been terminated and the French special forces contingent exited the country.

The junta also expelled France's ambassador and suspended French backed media outlets. In the following months, bringing to an end years of new colonial rule in the country. Now, with France's influence curtailed, Traoré turned his attention to strengthening ties with alternative allies.

regionally, he forged an unprecedented strategic alliance with Mali and later Niger, two neighboring countries that likewise experienced military coups. Mali in 2020/21, while Niger in 2023 and were governed by juntas facing jihadist rebellion. Traoré, Mali's leader Assimi Goïta, and after July 2023, Niger's leader Abdourahamane Tiani found common causes as they all confronted sanctions and pressures from ECOWAS.

In September 2023, as ECOWAS threatened possible military intervention against the new junta in Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali jointly warned that they would consider such intervention a declaration of war on themselves, openly defying the regional bloc. The three regimes then took steps to formalize their solidarity when they announced they would withdraw from ECOWAS in protest of its stance against military led governments. They instead proposed a new regional grouping centered on mutual defense and sovereignty.

By July 2024, this materialized as the Alliance of Sahel States essentially configuration between Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, aimed at cooperation in security, trade and rejecting foreign interference. Traoré was instrumental in founding this alliance, which marks a historic shift in West African geopolitics. Beyond Africa, Russia has emerged as an influential player in Burkina Faso's new look Traoré’s government, expressed goodwill toward Russia, seeing it as an alternative partner in the security domain.

Traoré's foreign policy has also been marked by a strong Pan-African nationalist streak. He has often framed Burkina Faso struggles within the larger context of African countries, striving for true sovereignty under his administration. Burkina Faso has cooperated closely with Mali in expelling French linked institutions and has voiced support for Guinea, another junta-ruled states under international sanctions.

In official communications, Traoré's government frequently emphasizes themes of self-determination noninterference by outside powers, and African solidarity. This has won him admiration in segments of African public opinion that resent foreign meddling. However, it has also isolated Burkina Faso diplomatically from some of its traditional partners and aid donors who worry about the country's trajectory.

Relations with the United States and European Union have cooled, though not broken. These partners continue limited humanitarian assistance, but have scaled back security cooperation. However, this has not affected Burkina Faso's engagements with other international organizations like the United Nations, where it continues to receive some support for humanitarian needs.

And fostered ties with emerging powers such as China and regional players like Algeria. You see, Africa has not seen a revolutionary leader like Traoré since the days of Thomas Sankara. And while Western powers like France and their stooges like Cote d'Ivoire, connived to have him killed in the 80s, everyone is now watching Ibrahim Traore closely and rejecting every move made against him.

You may not like him, you may not agree with his style of governance, and you may dislike the fact that it is a military regime and not the Western style democracy you are used to. And that is okay. All that matters to the people of Burkina Faso and Africans in general is their self-determination.

That is what Traore represents. And that is why he is the man the West fears the most. Thank you for watching.