[Music] the following program is from n-e-t the national educational television network debate james baldwin versus william buckley subject has the american dream been achieved at the expense of the american negro this debate was held recently at the cambridge union cambridge university england and was recorded for use by n.e.t well here we are in the debating hall of the cambridge union hundreds of undergraduates and myself waiting for what could prove one of the most exciting debates in the whole 150 years of the union history it really i don't think i've ever seen the union so well
attended their undergraduates everywhere they're on the benches or on the floor but in the galleries and there are a lot more outside of clamoring to get in well the motion that has drawn this huge crowd uh tonight is this that the american dream has been achieved at the expense of the american negro the debate will open with two undergraduate speakers one from each side and then we shall have the first distinguished guest mr james baldwin the well-known uh american novelist who's achieved a worldwide fame with his novel another country then opposing the motion will be
mr william buckley also an american very well known as a conservative in the united states i'm the stress a conservative in the american sense author of a book called up from liberalism and editor of the national review one of the early supporters of senator goldwater well this is the setting of the debate and at any moment now the uh president will be leading in his officers and his distinguished guests he'll take his chair and the debate will begin [Music] [Applause] [Applause] the motion before the house tonight is the american dream is at the expense of
the american negro we propose to mr david haycock of pembroke college and our person is the jeremy burfoot of emanuel college mr james baldwin will speak third mr william buckley jr will speak fourth mr haycock is the heir of the house [Applause] mr president it is the custom of the house for the first speaker in any debate to extend a formal welcome to any visitors to the house i can honestly say however it is a very great honor to be able to welcome to the house this evening mr william buckley and mr james baldwin mr
william buckley has the reputation of possibly being the most articulate conservative in the united states of america he was a graduate of yale and he first gained a reputation for himself by publishing a book entitled god and man and yale since then he has devoted himself to the secular and this has included norman mailer kenneth tyner mary mccarthy and fidel castro none of whom have come out of their confrontations unscathed at present his principal occupation is editing a right-wing newspaper in the united states entitled the national review mr james baldwin is hardly in need of
introduction his reputation both as a novelist and as an advocate of civil rights is international his third novel another country has been published as a paperback in england today mr baldwin and mr buckley are both very welcome to the house this evening [Applause] imagine mr president a society which above all values freedom and equality a society in which artificial barriers to fulfillment and achievement are unheard of a society in which a man may begin his life as a rail splitter and end it as president a society in which all men are free in every sense
of the word free to live where they choose free to work where they choose equal in the eyes of the law and every public authority and equal in the eyes of their fellows a society in fact in which intolerance and prejudice are meaningless terms imagine however mr president that the condition of this utopia has been the persistent and quite deliberate exploitation of one ninth of its inhabitants that one man in nine has been denied those rights which the rest of that society takes for granted that one man in nine does not have the chance for
fulfillment or realization of his innate potentialities that one man in nine cannot promise his children a secure future and unlimited opportunities imagine this mr president and you have what is in my opinion the bitter reality of the american dream a few weeks ago martin luther king had to hold a non-violent demonstration in selma alabama in his drive to register negro voters by the end of the week of his demonstrations he was able to write quite accurately in a national fundraising letter from selma alabama jail there are more negroes in prison with me than there are
on the voting rolls when king wrote that letter 335 out of 32 700 negroes in dallas had the vote one percent of the dallas population after a mass march to the courthouse 237 negros king among them were arrested the following day 470 children who had deserted their classrooms to protest against king's arrest were charged with juvenile delinquency 36 adults on the same day were charged with contempt of court for picketing the courthouse while state circuit court was in session on the following day 111 people were arrested on the same charge despite their claim that they
merely wanted to see the voting registrar 400 students were arrested and taken to the armory where many of them spent the night on a cold cement floor the following day the demonstration spread to marion alabama in marion negros outnumber whites by eleven and a half thousand to six thousand people and yet only three hundred are registered to vote negroes in marion were anxious to test the public accommodation section of the civil rights law they entered a drug store and there they were served with coca-cola laced with salt and were told that hamburgers had risen to
five dollars each after the arrest of 15 negroes for protesting against this treatment 700 negroes boycotted their classes next day and marched in orderly fashion to the jail there they sang civil rights songs until they were warned by a state trooper that they would be arrested if they sung one more song of course they sang another song and of course all 700 were arrested american society has felt fit to use negro labor it has felt fit to to use the blood of the negro in two world wars just felt fit to listen to his music
it has felt fit to laugh at his jokes and yet as far as i'm concerned it has never felt fit to give the american negro a fair deal and for this reason mr president i would beg leave to propose the motion that the american dream is at the expense of the american negro [Applause] i now call mr jeremy burfoot of emanuel college to oppose the motion we now have mr jeremy burfoot of emmanuel college who is the first undergraduate opposing the mission distinguished speaker james baldwin is well known as one of the most vivid and
articulate writers about the negro problem in america mr baldwin had a difficult childhood and he has personally himself suffered discrimination and ill treatment in the south of america and i would like to say at this at this uh time that it is not the purpose of this side of the house to condone that in any way at all it is not our purpose to oppose civil rights uh it is our purpose to oppose this motion and [Music] thank you sir come and collect your fee afterwards [Applause] this side of the house denies that the american
dream has in any way been helped by this undoubted inequality and suffering of the negro we maintain that in fact this is it has hindered the american dream and if that if there had been equality if there had been true freedom of opportunity the american dream would be very much more advanced than it is now if the american dream has made any progress and i think it has it has been made in spite of the suffering and inequality of the american negro and not because of it now it is also implied from this motion that
the american dream is encouraging and worsening the suffering of the american negro this is emphatically not the case the american dream the american economic prosperity and respect for civil liberties has been the main factor in bringing about the undoubted improvement in race relations in america in the last 20 years and professor arnold rose who is the author of the negro in america which is perhaps the definitive work on the subject um who is also a contributor to what was called a freedom pamphlet so i should imagine that if he has any bias at all he's
in favor of the negro he said that this uh improvement in race relations will be seen in years to come as remarkably quick and he has put it down to three main causes increased industrialization technical advance the increased social mobility of the american people and the economic prosperity and i would put it to this house that that industrialization and economic prosperity are two of the main ingredients of the american dream and at the same time again i do not want to say that uh the american the negro in america is treated fairly but at the
same time the average per capita income of negroes in america is exactly the same as the average per capita income of people in great britain now i found that absolutely i found that absolutely amazing and i understand that i understand that some of you do as well so i have got the reference here from the united states news and world report of july the 22nd 1963 in which it points out this will have to be the last interruption i take as time is running mr president on a point of information is the speaker talking of
real income or money income [Applause] there are only five countries in the world where the income is higher than that of the american negro and they do not include countries like west germany and france and japan now there are in america um 35 negro millionaires there are negro six thousand doctors and so on now i do not by saying this wish to emphasize that the negro is fairly treated i merely wish to try and convey a more realistic and objective account of the uh situation of the negro i agree that there are um negroes who
are very poor indeed such as the such as the old gentleman in the south who uh who was uh talking about some of his wealthier brethren and he was saying yes sir some of these uh rich negroes they put on airs they like the bottom figure of a fraction the bigger they try to be the smaller they really are i would repeat mr president sir uh in the last minute i have that this debate is not whether civil rights should be extended to american negroes or not if it were it would be a very easy
motion to argue for and a very easy motion to vote for the debate tonight concerns whether the american dream is at the expense of the american libra that is whether the american negro has paid for the american dream with his suffering or whether the american dream has furthered negro inequality and i would deny both those two precepts i would say that negro inequality has hindered the american dream and i would say that the american dream has been very important indeed in furthering civil rights and in furthering freedom for the american negro mr president sir i
beg to oppose the motion [Applause] it is now with very great pleasure and a very great sense of honor that i called mr james baldwin to speak third to this motion [Applause] now we have mr james baldwin the star of the evening who has been sitting listening attentively getting a wonderful reception here in the cambridge union tremendous enthusiasm from all sides of the house to mr baldwin who has been listening to the arguments now will bring the voice of actual experience to the debate good evening i um i find myself not for the first time
and um the position of a kind of jeremiah for example i don't disagree with mr burfoot that the um the inequality suffered by the american negro population of the united states has hindered the american dream indeed it has i quote with some other things he has to say the other deeper element of a certain awkwardness i feel has to do with um it has to do with one's point of view i had to put it that way one's uh one sense or one system of reality it would seem to me the proposition before the house
and put it that way is the american dream at the expense of the american negro or the american dream is at the expense of the american liberal is a question hideously loaded and that one's response to that question one's reaction to that question has to depend on effect an effect on where you find yourself in the world what your sense of reality is what your system of reality is that is it depends on assumptions which we hold so deeply as to be scarcely aware of them a white south african or mississippi sharecrop or mississippi sheriff
or a frenchman driven out of algeria all have at bottom a system of reality which compels them to for example in the case of the french exile from algeria to defend french reasons for having ruled algeria the mississippi or the alabama sheriff who really does believe when he's facing a negro boy or girl that this woman this man this child must be insane to attack the system to which he owes his entire identity of course for such a person the proposition of which which we're trying to discuss here tonight does not exist and on the
other hand i have to speak as one of the people who've been most attacked by what we must now hear called the western or the european system of reality what white people in the world because the white box of white supremacy i hate to say it here comes from europe that's how it got to america beneath then whatever one's reaction to this proposition is has to be the question of whether or not civilizations can be considered as such equal or whether one civilization has the right to overtake and subjugate and in fact to destroy another
now what happens when that happens leaving aside all the physical facts which one can quote leaving aside rape or murder leaving aside the bloody catalog of oppression which we are in one way too familiar with already what this does to the subjugated the most private the most serious thing this does to the subjugated is to destroy his sense of reality it destroys for example his father's authority over him his father can no longer tell him anything because the past has disappeared and his father has no power in the world this means in the case of
an american negro born in that glittering republic and in the moment you are born since you don't know any better every stick and stone and every face is white and since you have not yet seen a mirror you suppose that you are too it comes as a great shock around the age of five or six or seven to discover the flag which you have pledged allegiance along with everybody else has not pledged allegiance to you as a great shock to discover that gary cooper killing off the indians when you were rooting for gary cooper that
the indians were you it comes as a great shock to discover that the country which is your birthplace and to which you owe your life and your identity has not in its whole system a reality evolved any place for you the disaffection the demoralization and the gap between one person and another only on the basis of the color of their skins begins there and accelerates accelerates throughout a whole lifetime so the present you realize you're 30 and are having a terrible time managing to trust your countrymen by the time you are 30 you have been
through a certain kind of mill and the most serious effect of the meal you've been through is again not the catalog of disaster the policemen the taxi drivers the waiters the landlady the landlord the banks the insurance companies the millions of details 24 hours of every day which spell out to you that you are a worthless human being it is not that it's by that time you've begun to see it happening in your daughter or your son or your niece or your nephew you are thirty by now and nothing you have done has helped you
was to escape the trap but what is worse than that is that nothing you have done and as far as you can tell nothing you can do will save your son or your daughter for meeting the same disaster and not impossibly coming to the same end now we're speaking about expense i suppose there are several ways to address oneself to some attempt to define what that word means here let me put it this way that from a very literal point of view the harbors and the ports and the railroads of the country the economy especially
of the southern states could not conceivably be what it has become if they had not had and do not still have indeed and for so long so many generations cheap labor i am stating very seriously this is not an overstatement that i picked the cotton and i carried it to market and i built the railroads under someone else's whip for nothing for nothing the southern oligarchy which has until today so much power in washington and therefore some power in the world was created by my labor and my sweat and the violation of my women and
the murder of my children this in the land of the free and the home of the brave and no one can challenge that statement it is a matter of historical record in another way this dream and we'll get to the dream in a moment is at the expense of the american negro you watch this in the deep south in great relief but not only in the deep south in the deep south you are dealing with a sheriff or landlord or landlady or the girl of the western union desk and she doesn't know quite who she's
dealing with by which i mean that if you're not part of the town and if you are a northern [ __ ] it shows in millions of ways so she simply knows that it's an unknown quantity and she wants to have nothing to do with it so she won't talk to you have to wait for a while to get your telegram okay we all know this we've been through it and by the time you get to be a man it's very easy to deal with but what is happening in the poor woman the poor man's
mind is this they've been raised to believe and by now they helplessly believe that no matter how terrible their lives may be their lives have been quite terrible and no matter how far they fall no matter what disaster overtakes and they have one enormous knowledge and consolation which is like a heavenly revelation at least they are not black now i suggest that of all the terrible things that can happen to a human being that is one of the worst i suggest that what has happened to white southerners is in some ways after all much worse
than what has happened to what to negroes there because sheriff clark and selma alabama cannot be considered you know no one is can be dismissed as a total monster i'm sure he loves his wife his children i'm sure that no he likes to get drunk you know he's after all one's got to assume and he is visibly a man like me if he doesn't know what drives him to use the club to menace with the gun and to use the cattle prod something awful must have happened to a human being to be able to put
a catalog against a woman's breast for example what happens to the woman is ghastly what happens to the man who does it is in some ways much much worse this is being done after all not a hundred years ago but in 1965 in a country which is blessed with what we call prosperity a word we won't examine too closely with a certain kind of social coherence which calls itself a civilized nation and which espouses the notion of the freedom of the world and it is perfectly true from the point of view now simply of an
american negro any american negro watching this no matter where he is from the vantage point of harlem which is another terrible place has to say to himself in spite of what the government says the government says we can't do anything about it but those are white people being murdered in mississippi work farms being carried off to jail those are white children running up and down the streets the government will find some way of doing something about it we have a civil rights bill now we had an amendment fifth the fifteenth amendment nearly a hundred years
ago i hate to sound again like an old testament prophet but if the amendment was not honored then i don't have any reason for believing the civil rights bill will be on it now and after all one's been there since before you know a lot of other people got there if one has got to prove one's title to the land isn't for 100 years enough 400 years at least three wars the american soil is full of the corpses and my ancestors why is my freedom or my citizenship or my right to live there how is
it conceivably a question now and i suggest further that in the same way the moral life of alabama sheriffs and poor alabama ladies white ladies their moral lies have been destroyed by the plague called color that the american sense of reality has been corrupted by it at the risk of sounding excessive well i always felt when i finally left the country found myself abroad in other places and watched americans abroad and these are my countrymen and i do care about them and even if i didn't there is something between us we have the same shorthand
i know i look at a girl or a boy from tennessee where they came from in tennessee and what that means no englishman knows that no frenchman no one in the world knows that except another black man who comes from the same place one watches these lonely people denying the only kin they have we talk about integration in america as though it was some great new conundrum the parliament america so we've been integrated for a very long time put me next to any african and you will see what i mean and my grandmother was not
a rapist what we are not facing is the results of what we've done what one breaks the american people to do for all our sakes is simply to accept our history i was there not only as a slave but also as a concubine one knows the power after all which can be used against another person if you've got absolute power over that person it seemed to me when i watched americans in europe and what they didn't know about europeans was what they didn't know about me they weren't trying for example to be nasty to the
french girl rude to the french waiter they didn't know they hurt their feelings they didn't have any sense this particular woman this particular man though they spoke another language and had different manners and ways was a human being and they walked over them the same kind of bland ignorance condescension charming and cheerful with which it always patted me on the head and called me shine and were upset when i was upset what is relevant about this is that whereas 40 years ago when i was born the question of having to deal with what is unspoken
by the subjugated what is never said to the master remember having to deal with this reality was a very remote very remote possibility it was in no one's mind when i was growing up i was taught in american history books that africa had no history and neither did i that i was a savage about whom the less said the better who had been saved by europe and brought to america and of course i believed it i didn't have much choice those the only books there were everyone else seemed to agree if you walk out of
harlem ride out of holland downtown the world agrees what you see is much bigger cleaner whiter richer safer than where you are they collect the garbage people obviously you can pay their life insurance the children look happy say you're not and you go back home and it would seem that of course that it's an act of god that this is true that you belong where white people have put you it is only since the second world war there's been a counter-image in the world and that image not come about through any legislation on the part
of any american government but through the fact that africa was suddenly on the stage of the world and africans had to be dealt with in a way they'd never been dealt with before this gave an american negro for the first time a sense of himself beyond a savage or a clown it is created and will create a great many conundrums one of the great things that the white world does not know but i think i do know is that black people are just like everybody else one has used the myth of negro and the myth
of color to pretend and to assume that you are dealing essentially with something exotic bizarre and practically according to human laws unknown alas it is not true we are also mercenaries dictators murderers liars we are human too what is crucial here is it unless we can manage to assess establish some kind of dialogue between those people whom i pretend have paid for the american dream and those other people who have not achieved it we will be in terrible trouble i want to say at the end the last is that that is what concerns me most
we are sitting in this room and we are all at least we like to think we are relatively civilized and we can talk to each other at least on certain levels so that we could walk out of here assuming that the measure of our enlightenment or at least our politeness has some effect on the world it may not i remember for example when the ex-attorney general mr robert kennedy said that it was conceivable that in 40 years in america we might have a negro president and that sounded like a very emancipated statement i suppose to
white people they were not in harlem when this statement was first heard and did not hear and possibly will never hear the laughter and the bitterness and the scorn which the statement was greeted and the point of view of the man in the netherland barbershop bobby kennedy only got here yesterday and now he's already on his way to the presidency we've been here for four hundred years and now he tells us that maybe in forty years if you're good we may let you become president what is dangerous here is it turning away from the turning
away from anything any white american says the reason for the political hesitation in spite of the johnson landslide is the one has been betrayed by american politicians for so long and i am i'm a grown man and perhaps i can be reasoned with i certainly hope i can be but i don't know and neither does martin luther king none of us know how to deal with those other people whom the white world is so long ignored who don't believe anything the white world says and don't entirely believe anything i or martin say and one can't
blame them you watch what has happened to them in less than 20 years it seems to me that the city of new york for example this is my last point which had negroes in it for a very long time if the city of new york were able as it has indeed been able in the last 15 years to reconstruct itself tear down buildings and raise great new ones downtown and for money and has done nothing whatever except build housing projects in the ghetto for the negroes and of course negroes hate it presently the property doesn't
deteriorate because the children cannot bear it they want to get out of the ghetto if the american pretensions were based on most solid a more honest assessment of life and of themselves it would not mean for negroes when someone says urban renewal that negro is simply going to be thrown out into the swedish is what it does mean now this is not an act of god we're dealing with society made and we're ruled by men if the american negro had not been present in america i am convinced that the history of the american labor movement
would be much more edifying than it is it is a terrible thing for an entire people to surrender to the notion that one one-ninth of his population is beneath them and until that moment until the moment comes when we the americans we the american people are able to accept the fact that i have to accept for example that my ancestors are both white and black that on that continent we are trying to forge a new identity for which we need each other and that i am not a ward of america i'm not an object a
missionary charity i am one of the people who built the country until this moment there is scarcely any hope for the american dream because the people who are denied participation in it by their very presence will wreck it and if that happens it's a very grave moment for the west thank you [Music] tremendously moving moment now the whole of the union standing and applauding this magnificent speech of james baldwin never seen this happen before in the union in all the years uh that i have known it baldwin smiling obviously delighted by his reception tremendously moved
by i am now very grateful and very pleased to be able to call mr william f buckley jr to speak forth to this motion now we have mr william buckley who will need all his skill to establish ascendancy over his audience which is clearly been so deeply moved thank you mr eloquent and personal experience the preceding speaker descartes mr perfect gentleman it seems to me that of all the indictments mr baldwin has made of america are here tonight and in his copious literature protest the one that is most striking involves in effect the refusal of
the american community are to treat him other than as a negro the american community has refused to do this the american community almost everywhere he goes uh treats him with the kind of unction [Music] of the kind of satisfaction [Music] at posturing carefully for his flagellations of our civilization that indeed uh quite properly a commands the contempt which he so eloquently showers upon us uh it is impossible in my judgment uh to deal with the indictment of mr baldwin unless one is prepared to deal with him as a white man unless one is prepared to
say to him the fact that your skin is black is utterly irrelevant to the arguments that you raise uh the fact that uh you sit here as is your rhetorical device uh and lay the entire weight of the negro ordeal on your own shoulders is irrelevant to the argument that we are here to discuss the gravoman of mr baldwin's charges of marriage against america are not so much that our civilization has failed him and his people that our ideals are insufficient but that we have no our ideals that our ideals rather are some sort of
a superficial coating uh which we come up with at any given moment in order to justify uh whatever commercial and obnoxious experiment we are engaged in thus mr baldwin can write his book the fire next time uh in which he threatens america he didn't in writing that book speak with the british accents that he used exclusively tonight in which he threatened america with the necessity uh for us to for jettison uh for us to jettison our entire civilization the only thing that the white man has that the negro should want he said is power uh
and he is treated from coast to coast to the united states just about with a kind of thing he doesn't choose servile negro creature by a southern family i propose to pay him the honor this night of saying to him mr baldwin i am going to speak to you without any reference whatever uh to those uh surrounding protections which you are used to in virtue the fact that you are a negro and here we need to ask the question what in fact shall we do about it mr president what shall we uh in america try
to do for instance uh to eliminate those psychic humiliations which i joined mr baldwin in believing are the very worst aspects of this discrimination are you found that uh a source of considerable birth to life away the statistics of my colleagues mr burford i don't think they are insignificant but they are certainly not insignificant in a world which attaches a considerable importance uh to material progress uh it is in fact the case of that seven tenths uh that seven tenths of the white income of the united states is uh equal to the income that is
made by the uh by the average i don't think this is an irrelevant statistic uh ladies and gentlemen but it takes the capitalization of 15 16 17 000 per job in the united states this is a capitalization that was not created uh exclusively as a result of negro travail my great grandparents work too presumably yours worked also i don't know of anything that has ever been created without the expense of something all of you who hope for a diploma here are going to do that at the expense of a considerable amount of effort and i
would thank you are pleased not to belie uh the fact that a considerable amount of effort went into the production of a system which grants a greater degree of material well-being to the american negro than that that is enjoyed by 95 percent of the other peoples of the human race but even so are to the extent that your withering laughter are suggested here that you found this a contemptible observation i agree i don't think it matters that there are 35 millionaires among the negro community if they were 35 there were 20 million millionaires among the
negro community of the united states i would still agree with you that we have a dastardly situation but i'm asking you not uh not to make politics as the pro flies to use the fleeted phrase of professor oak shot but rather to consider what in fact is it that we americans ought to do what are your instructions that i'm to take back to the united states my friend i want to know what it is that we should do and especially i want to know uh whether it is time in fact to abandon the american dream
as it has been defined by mr haycock mr burford what in fact is it we ought to do for instance or to avoid do humiliations are mentioned by mr baldwin uh as has been a part of his own uh experience during his lifetime at the age of 12 you will find on reading his book uh he trespassed outside the ghetto of harlem and was was taken by the scruff of the neck by a policeman on 42nd street and madison avenue and said here you [ __ ] go back to where you belong or 15 20
years later he goes in and asks for a scotch whiskey at the airport at chicago and is told by the white woman that he is obviously underage and under the circumstances cannot be served i know i know from your faces that you share with me the feeling of compassion and the feeling of our outrage that this kind of thing should have happened what in fact are we going to do to this policeman and what in fact are we going to do uh to or to this bomb and how are we going to avoid the kind
of humiliations that are perpetually visited on members of the minority race obviously the first element is concern we've got the care that it happens we have got to do what we can to change the warp and roof of moral moral thought in society in such fashion is to try to make it happen less and less let me urge this point to you which i can do with authority my friends the only thing that i can tonight and that is to tell you uh that in the united states there is a concern for the negro problem
now if you get up to me and say [Applause] uh if you get up to me and say well now is there the kind of concern that we students of cambridge would show if the problem were our own uh all i can say is i don't know it may very well be uh that there has been some sort of a sun burst of moral enlightenment that has hit this community uh so as to make it predictable that if you were the governors of the united states the situation would change overnight i'm prepared to grant this
as a form of courtesy mr president but meanwhile i'm saying to you that the engines of concern in the united states are working the presence of mr baldwin here tonight is in part a reflection of that concern you cannot go you cannot go to a university in the united states the university in the united states presumably also governed by the lord's spiritual as you are in which mr baldwin is not the toast of the town uh you cannot go to a university of the united states in which practically all other problems of public policy are
preempted by the primary policy of concern of the negro i challenge you to name me another civilization anytime anywhere in the history of the world or in which the problems of a minority which have been showing considerable material or and political advancement is as much a subject of dramatic concern as it is in the united states let me let me just say finally uh uh ladies and gentlemen this uh there is no instant cure for the race problem in america and anybody who tells you that there is is a charlatan and ultimately a boring man
are boring precisely uh because he is then speaking in the kind of abstractions that do not relate to the human experience the trouble in america where the negro community is concerned is a very complicated one uh i urge those of you who have uh a who have an actual rather than a purely ideologized interest in the problem uh to read the book beyond the melting pot by professor glazer also co-author of the lonely crowd a prominent jewish or intellectual who points to the fact that the situation in america where the negroes are concerned is extremely
complex as a result of an unfortunate conjunction of two factors one is the dreadful efforts to perpetuate discrimination by many individual american citizens as a result of their lack of that final and ultimate concern which some people are truly trying to agitate the other is as a result of the failure of the negro community itself to make certain exertions uh which were made by other minority groups during the american experience if you can stand a statistic not of my own making let me give you one which professor glazer considers as relevant he says for instance
in 1900 there were 3 500 negro doctors in america in 1960 there were 3900 an increase in 400. is this because there were no opportunities as has been suggested by mr haycock and also by mr baldwin implicitly no says professor glaser are there a great many medical schools who are by no means practice discrimination who are anxious to receive to train uh negro doctors there are scholarships available to put them through but in fact that particular energy of which he remarks was so noticeable in the jewish community and to a certain and lesser extent in
the italian irish community for some reason is not there we should focus on the necessity to animate this particular energy but he comes to the conclusion which strikes me as plausible that the people who can best do it who can do it most effectively on negros themselves let me conclude by reminding you ladies and gentlemen that where are the negro is concerned the dangers for as i can see at this moment is that they will seek to reach out for some sort of radical solutions on the basis of which the true problem is obscured they
have done a great deal but to focus on the facts of white discrimination against the negroes they have great done a great deal to agitate a moral concern but where in fact do they go now they seem to be slipping if you read carefully for instance the words of mr beard rustin thought some sort of a procrustean formulation which ends up less urging the advancement of the negro than the regression of the white people times as many people in new york city born of negroes are illegitimate as of whites this is a problem how shall
we address it uh by seeking out laws that encourage illegitimacy in white people uh this unfortunately tends to be the rhetorical momentum that some of their arguments are taking one thing you might do mr buckley is let them vote in mississippi [Applause] i couldn't agree with you more and for uh uh uh except uh lest i i appear too ingratiating which is hardly my objective here tonight i think actually i think actually what is wrong in mississippi sir is not that not enough negroes are voting but the too many white people are voting [Music] [Applause]
booker t washington said booker t washington said that the important thing where negroes are concerned is is is not that they hold public office but they be prepared to hold public office not that they vote but that they be prepared to vote what are we going to do with the negroes having taught the negroes in mississippi to despise barnett uh ross barnett shall we then teach them to emulate their cousins in harlem and adore adam clayton powell jr uh it is much more complicated sir than simply the question of giving them the vote uh if
i were myself a constituent of the community of mississippi at this moment what i would do is vote to lift the standards of the vote so as to disqualify 65 percent uh of the white people who were presently voting uh not not simply not simply to give the death well i say then that what we need uh is a considerable amount of frackiness or that acknowledges that there are two sets of difficulties of the difficulties of the white person who acts as white people and brown people and black people or do all over the world
or to protect their own vested interests who have as all of the races in the entire world have uh and suffer from a kind of a racial narcissism uh which do it which tends always to convert every contingency into such a way to maximize their own power that yes we must do but we must also reach through to the negro people and tell them that their best chances are in a mobile society and the most mobile society in the world today my friends uh is the united states of america uh the most mobile society of
the united states uh in the world is the united states of america and it is precisely that mobility uh which will give opportunities to the negroes which they must be encouraged to take but they must not in the course of their ordeal be encouraged to adopt the kind of cynicism uh the kind of despair or the kind of iconoclasm that is urged upon them by mr baldwin or in his recent works because of one thing i can tell you i believe with absolute authority that where the united states is concerned if it ever becomes a
confrontation uh between a continuation of our our own sort of idealism uh the private stock of which granted like most people in the world we tend to lavish only every now and then on public enterprises reserving it so often for our own irritations and pleasures but the fundamental friend of the negro people are in the united states is the good nature and is the generosity and is the good wishes is the decency the fundamental decency that do lie at the reserves of the spirit of the american people these must not be laughed at under no
circumstances must they be laughed at and under no circumstances must america be addressed or and told that the only alternative to the status quo or is to overthrow that civilization which we consider to be the faith of our fathers or the faith indeed of of your fathers this is what must animate whatever melorism must come because if it does finally come to a confrontation a radical confrontation between giving up what we understand to be the best features of the american way of life which at that level is indistinguishable so far as i can see from
the european way of life then we will fight the issue and we will fight the issue not only in the cambridge union uh but we will fight it as you were once recently called to do on beaches and on hills and on mountains mountains and on landing grounds and we will be convinced that just as you won the war against a particular threat into civilization you were nevertheless waging a war in favor of and for the benefit of germans your own enemies just as we are convinced that if it should ever come to that kind
of a confrontation our own determination to win the struggle will be a determination to wage a war not only for whites but also for liberals [Applause] [Applause] [Music] will the tellers take their places please they're voted in favor of the motion the motion being of the american dreams at the expense of the negro they voted in favor of that motion 544 persons and against 164 persons the motion is therefore carried by 380 votes i declare the house to stand adjourned [Applause] you
