How China Is Remaking Hong Kong in Its Own Image

This was Hong Kong in 2019. Some estimate that at their peak, one to two million Hong Kongers turned up to protest in a city of about seven million people. Where are they now?

For years, Hong Kong showed how capitalism and Western values could co-exist with China's wide-ranging economic reform. Now, the protesters are gone. What happened?

And what does that mean for the city's future? Five hours from now, the Union flag will be lowered, and the flag of China will fly over Hong Kong. When Hong Kong was handed back to China after more than 150 years of British colonial rule, Beijing promised a high degree of autonomy in its economic and political systems for 50 years.

The city cemented its status as an international financial hub and one of the world's freest economies, bolstered by its rule of law, a free Internet and press and a currency pegged to the US dollar. It was the world's gateway to China's extraordinary industrial boom. But at the same time, tension had been simmering between Beijing and Hong Kong's political opposition, which wanted to expand civil liberties.

We want democracy! Universal suffrage now! Beijing continued to resist allowing Hong Kongers the right to choose their own leaders.

And then in 2019, Hong Kong proposed a bill to allow people to be extradited to mainland China to be tried. And that triggered concerns that Beijing could use this legislation to clamp down on political dissent in Hong Kong. Although protests began peacefully, the government's unwillingness to completely withdraw the bill caused demonstrations to escalate.

The demands from protesters morphed from just trying to prevent this bill from going through to demanding amnesty for protesters that had been arrested and calls for universal suffrage. The movement continued through 2020, until - The government decided to roll out very strict pandemic control measures that essentially made it impossible to gather in large groups. Within months, Beijing imposed a sweeping national security law, which punishes what Chinese authorities describe as secession, subversion, terrorism and “collusion with foreign and external forces.

” It also asserts broad powers to control sources of opposition. Authorities then began to arrest people that they alleged were instrumental in the protests, and they also made it essentially impossible for Hong Kong's opposition parties to continue operating. That also led to the shutdown of several pro-democracy outlets, including Jimmy Lai's newspaper Apple Daily.

It was just too much for some. Since I left Hong Kong, I witness my friends from my industry, including theater actors, visual artists, got arrested or got charged. I felt really scared and I felt this place is trying to expel its own people.

Jarita and her husband left Hong Kong in 2019, and now live and work in the UK. Some of her students are among the more than 140,000 Hong Kongers who emigrated to the UK after it rolled out a special visa scheme in 2021. Meanwhile, Beijing revamped the body that picks members of Hong Kong's Legislative Council to make sure only pro-China candidates can secure a seat.

Effectively, that meant that Hong Kong's government no longer had an opposition. And in March this year, Hong Kong\ introduced its own security legislation. New crimes like treason and insurrection carry life sentences.

The threat to national security is real. So it is important we all bear that in mind, to be on guard all the time. But it wasn't just increased restriction on free speech and expression bringing Hong Kong closer to the mainland.

Governments on both sides introduced programs to encourage Hong Kongers to study, work and live in mainland China and vice versa. Transport links have improved to support this. In 2017, President Xi Jinping unveiled the Greater Bay Area development project, an effort to integrate Hong Kong with Macau, Shenzhen and nearby cities, starting with expanded infrastructure.

Things like the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macau Bridge, as well as the West Kowloon Station, which is integrated into Hong Kong's own subway and allows people to travel in less than 20 minutes from the city to Shenzhen. And trips to mainland China hit record highs earlier this year. Some are embracing the growing ties.

Born and raised in Hong Kong, 26-year-old Kaka took a job in Shenzhen after finishing her Master’s. Now she's working on starting her own business in mainland China. With access to Chinese apps like WeChat and Alipay, Hong Kongers can now easily make transactions on the mainland, and it's dining and shopping that make up 70% of them.

Chinese consumer review platforms like Dianping and Xiaohongshu, or RED, where users primarily post in Chinese also help Hong Kongers navigate Shenzhen. To Kaka, all of this means that she can take advantage of the vastness of China's economy. The dilemma for Beijing is that the crackdown on political dissent has meant that people increasingly view Hong Kong as similar to mainland China.

It's its differences that have really secured and underpinned the success of Hong Kong for many, many years, particularly its success as a financial hub. Change in perception is important for everyone, particularly against a backdrop of geopolitical tensions and a significant economic slowdown on the mainland. Foreign businesses’ direct investment into China last year slumped to levels not seen since the early 1990s as trade frictions between Beijing and the US and its allies rose.

Or look at the proceeds raised by companies through an IPO in Hong Kong. They are at their lowest in more than two decades. Hong Kong also lost its title of world's freest economy.

Beijing needs Hong Kong so Chinese companies can raise money without tight capital controls, and it still has some of the deepest capital markets in Asia, but One big question is whether Beijing is still getting everything that it needs from Hong Kong if there is a perception that these differences are no longer valuable to people, particularly to foreign investors. Officials see things differently. Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee has said the city's status as a financial center is highly stable, with 75% of the world's top 100 banks operating there.

Some are optimistic for Hong Kong's future, despite uncertainties in the short term. But for people like Jarita, leaving the city for good was the answer to her discontent. If I stay in Hong Kong, maybe I will still have a good career.

But it's better that I leave because I don't want myself to be change. I don't see a future that I like, for me, in Hong Kong.